Althusser,
Louis. Lenin and Philosophy, and Other
Essays. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1972.
Ideological State Apparatuses
Starts
by discussing how the productive forces are reproduced themselves through capitalist
culture:
131-132:
“How is this reproduction of the (diversified) skills of labour power provided
for in a capitalist regime? Here, unlike social formations characterized by
slavery or serfdom this reproduction of the skills of labour power tends (this
is a tendential law) decreasingly to be provided for 'on the spot'
(apprenticeship within production itself), but is achieved more and more
outside production: by the capitalist education system, and by other instances
and institutions.”
132-133:
“the reproduction of labour power requires not only a reproduction of its
skills, but also, at the same time, a reproduction of its submission to the
rules of the established order, i.e. a reproduction of submission to the ruling
ideology… and a reproduction of the ability to manipulate the ruling ideology
correctly for the agents of exploitation and repression, so that they, too,
will provide for the domination of the ruling class 'in words'.”
The
switches to the question of the reproduction of the relations of production.
To
explain how it happens, he introduces a division between the State power
(function), the (repressive) State apparatus (institutions) and the ideological
State apparatuses. “I shall call Ideological State Apparatuses a certain number
of realities which present themselves to the immediate observer in the form of
distinct and specialized institutions.” (143) It includes institutions of
religion, education, family, law, politics, trade-unionism, media and culture.
145: “the (Repressive) State
Apparatus functions massively and predominantly by repression (including
physical repression), while functioning secondarily by ideology… for their part
the Ideological State Apparatuses function massively and predominantly by
ideology, but they also function secondarily by repression, even if ultimately,
but only ultimately, this is very attenuated and concealed, even symbolic.”
146: “To
my knowledge, no class can hold State
power over a long period without at the same time exercising its hegemony over
and in the State Ideological Apparatuses. I only need one example and proof
of this: Lenin's anguished concern to revolutionize the educational Ideological
State Apparatus (among others), simply to make it possible for the Soviet
proletariat, who had seized State power, to secure the future of the
dictatorship of the proletariat and the transition to socialism.”
Althusser
then makes his main argument in the essay: that the relations of production are
“secured by the legal-political and ideological superstructure.” (148) The main
ideological state apparatus which contributes to it is education. “It takes
children from every class at infant-school age, and then for years, the years
in which the child is most 'vulnerable', squeezed between the family State
apparatus and the educational State apparatus, it drums into them, whether it
uses new or old methods, a certain amount of 'know-how' wrapped in the ruling
ideology (French, arithmetic, natural history, the sciences, literature) or
simply the ruling ideology in its pure state (ethics, civic instruction,
philosophy).” (155)
Althusser
then makes a number of remarks on what he calls ‘theory of ideology’. He starts
making parallel with the Freudian unconscious, arguing that ideology has no
history, because it, just as the unconscious, is omnipresent, trans-historical
and therefore immutable in form throughout the extent of history (ideologies have history, but not ideology per
se, as a grand phenomenon of human life: ideology emerges with the society and
will be gone with it). Ideology and the unconscious are, actually, interrelated
in Althusser’s opinion.
Ideology
is a 'Representation ' of the Imaginary
Relationship of Individuals to their Real Conditions of Existence
“it
is not their real conditions of existence, their real world, that 'men'
'represent to themselves' in ideology, but above all it is their relation to
those conditions of existence which is represented to them there.” (164)
“Ideology
has a material existence… an ideology always exists in an apparatus, and its
practice, or practices. This existence is material.” (166)
166-167:
“the 'individuals' who live in ideology, i.e. in a determinate (religious,
ethical, etc.) representation of the world whose imaginary distortion depends
on their imaginary relation to their conditions of existence, in other words,
in the last instance, to the relations of production and to class relations
(ideology = an imaginary relation to real relations). I shall say that this
imaginary relation is itself endowed with a material existence.” People
materialize and embody ideologies, which can’t exist without them. “the
material existence of an ideological apparatus, be it only a small part of that
apparatus: a small mass in a small church, a funeral, a minor match at a
sports' club, a school day, a political party meeting, etc.” (168)
169: “where
only a single subject (such and such an individual) is concerned, the existence
of the ideas of his belief is material in that his ideas are his material
actions inserted into material practices governed by material rituals which are
themselves defined by the material ideological apparatus from which derive the
ideas of that subject.”
·
“Disappeared: the term ideas.
·
Survive: the terms subject, consciousness, belief,
actions.
·
Appear: the terms practices, rituals, ideological
apparatus.”
THE
CENTRAL THESIS: Ideology interpellates
individuals as subjects
170: “the
category of the subject is only constitutive of all ideology insofar as all
ideology has the function (which defines it ) of 'constituting ' concrete
individuals as subjects.”
172: “It
is indeed a peculiarity of ideology that it imposes (without appearing to do
so, since these are 'obviousnesses') obviousnesses as obviousnesses, which we
cannot fail to recognize.” This means
that ideology teaches people to interpret the world in certain ways that
individuals recognize as their own.
“the
category of the 'subject' is constitutive of ideology, which only exists by
constituting concrete subjects as subjects” (173)
To
explain how ideology penetrates into subjects, he moves on to Lacan:
180: “We
observe that the structure of all ideology, interpellating individuals as
subjects in the name of a Unique and Absolute Subject [i.e., itself – ideology]
is speculary, i.e. a mirror-structure, and doubly speculary: this mirror
duplication is constitutive of ideology and ensures its functioning… The
duplicate mirror-structure of ideology ensures simultaneously:”
181: “1.
the interpellation of 'individuals' as subjects;
2. their subjection to the Subject;
3. the mutual recognition of subjects and Subject, the subjects' recognition of each other, and finally the subject's recognition of himself;
4. the absolute guarantee that everything really is so, and that on condition that the subjects recognize what they are and behave accordingly, everything will be all right: Amen -- 'So be it '.”
2. their subjection to the Subject;
3. the mutual recognition of subjects and Subject, the subjects' recognition of each other, and finally the subject's recognition of himself;
4. the absolute guarantee that everything really is so, and that on condition that the subjects recognize what they are and behave accordingly, everything will be all right: Amen -- 'So be it '.”
“caught
in this quadruple system of interpellation as subjects, of subjection to the
Subject, of universal recognition and of absolute guarantee, the subjects
'work', they 'work by themselves' in the vast majority of cases, with the
exception of the 'bad subjects' who on occasion provoke the intervention of one
of the detachments of the (repressive) State apparatus. But the vast majority
of (good) subjects work all right 'all by themselves', i.e. by ideology (whose
concrete forms are realized in the Ideological State Apparatuses).”
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