Golfo Alexopoulos. Stalin's Outcasts: Aliens, Citizens, and the
Soviet State, 1926-1936. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2003.
This book by Golfo Alexopoulos
(University of South Florida) focuses on the history of disenfranchised people
in Soviet Russia/the Soviet Union as a separate social group, looking at how
they were constructed as a group from outside (i.e., by the state), how they were constructed by local communities
(from aside) and what identities they ascribed to themselves. Part of social
engineering efforts to create a new man, which included a reward for successful
social self-transformation and, thus, stimulated disenfranchised people to engage
in a dialogue with power that would reforge them. Discusses social
stratification, but – once again – in terms of class. Imposition of a new
culture where “opposing behaviors associated with the two classes provided the
salient markers of insiders and outsiders” (11).
In chapter 1, Alexopoulos discusses reasons which lay in the
basis of the institute of disenfranchisement in the Soviet Union, interpreting
it mainly as attempts at social engineering of the Soviet society. Certain economic and cultural (religion)
behaviour, as well as personal history (belonging to certain groups in pre-1917
society). 1930 as the turning year when being disenfranchised came to mean real
social disadvantages, rather than simply inability to vote. Political and
economic marginalization (esp. in terms of food supply). Ritual of
rehabilitation. In chapter 2, Alexopoulos examines what social groups were
vulnerable to disenfranchisement and argues that while a certain pattern might
be traced, actually this punishment was often used in an arbitrary manner. She
offers no statistical analysis whatsoever, which makes her analysis of the
material in this chapter somewhat useless: this group was addressed, that
group, too, and this one, and that one—what’s the point?
In chapter 3, Alexopoulos analyses Soviet discourse which
regulated the practice of disenfranchisement, but her only instrument of
discourse analysis is a search for the ways definition of the enemy was applied
to potentially “alien” social elements. Her tendency to personify the Bolshevik
leadership doesn’t make her a good favor: “Bolshevik leaders deeply distrusted
their ability to track what they believed was an elusive and deceptive enemy”
(94). In Chapter 4, Alexopoulos follows Hellbeck in her analysis how
disenfranchised people constructed (in her case, reduced) their Selves through
writing. She analyzes different narrative strategies that the disenfranchised
used in their appeals, and argues that these strategies (of
misfortune/ignorance/compulsion) worked to reinforce the relations of
paternalism (see Siegelbaum in Fitzpatrick’s Stalinism. New directions). In Chapter 5, she looks more broadly at
how they struggled to become re-enfranchised by conforming to the requirements
of what it meant to be a Soviet citizen (one can add: delineating these
requirements in the process).
Chapter 6 looks at the results of the Soviet
disenfranchisement policy. “Through its policy of disenfranchisement and
rehabilitation, the party forced people to transform their identities, change
their economic practices and dependencies, and become productive and loyal
laborers of the Soviet state—this in exchange for the full rights of citizens.”
(159) She then builds links between the practices of disenfranchisement and the
Great Terror.
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