Dobrenko, Evgeny,
and Eric Naiman. The Landscape of
Stalinism: The Art and Ideology of Soviet Space. University of Washington
Press, 2005.
In Introduction,
Eric Naiman (UC Berkley) sets
the agenda of the volume as an exploration of the relationship between the
Soviet chronotope (a specific understanding of space in any given time, a
Bakhtin’s term) and ideological production of meanings. Katerina Clark (Yale) in
“Socialist Realism and the Sacralizing of Space” explores the centrality of
Soviet “socialist realist” architecture for the sacralisation of Soviet space,
with a focus on “purification or repurification” (a forerunner of the purges). Mentions
the role of novels in the cartography of Soviet space. The relations between
center and periphery became (1930s) vertical – hence many novels/movies end
with a hero’s trip to Moscow. “Stalin is like a monument or a monumental
building” (12). Clark does a bit of analysis to the sacralisation of Stalin’s
figure in socialist realism (mentioning, for example, its connection with
Soviet sexuality).
Jan Plamper (Goldsmith, University of London) in “The
Spatial Poetics and the Personality Cult. Circles around Stalin” studies the
representations of space in those objects of art where Stalin was present
himself; he argues that the space is often organized “around” Stalin in these
pictures, to the degree that by the late 1940s “he was sometimes represented
indirectly, without showing his physical appearance at all” (43). Oksana
Bulgakova (Universität Mainz) focuses on changes in spatial representation in
the Soviet cinematography (spatial canon). The 1920s as the revolutionary
transformation of (cinematic) landscape, esp. through montage; the 1930s as its
“cementation” through introduction of vertical axis of semantic meanings
(periphery-center). Hans Gunther studies how the archetype of Mother was used
for the symbolic legitimation of the Stalinist ideology and regime.
Boris Groys in “The Art of Totality” explores the Stalinist
aesthetics of totality. “Works of totalitarian art do not describe the
world—they occupy the world” (98). He argues that avant-gardists claimed total
authority over the masses (doubtful) which gives him the ground to call it a
totalitarian project: “The inclusion of the spectator in the work of art
represents the actual project of the avant-garde—and this project itself was
from the beginning totalizing or, as it were, totalitarian” (100). He compares
the Soviet and Nazi art of the 1930s as two totalitarian projects to draw a
conclusion that “a fundamental similarity is obvious… in both cases, the issue
is the replacement of customary rules governing the writing of art history with
a vision of a single battle [class struggle or Arians vs. non-Arians]. This
battle penetrates the innermost part of all history. Hence, all periods are
synchronized, and all places are housed in a single, total space” (107). While
much of Groys’s material is interesting, sometimes his analysis is too “kulturologicheskii,”
based on no empirical or factual basis. “In Stalinist architecture, unlike in
bourgeois architecture, every architect attempted to build something total,
absolute, undifferentiable, and indescribable” (114). A-ha.
Randi Cox (Stephen F. Austin State University) in “All this
can be yours! Soviet commercial advertising and the social construction of
space, 1928–1956,” taking as her starting point the assumption that advertising
in the Soviet Union played a didactic function of teaching citizens how to
consume in a “correct” way, aims to explore the connection between
advertisement and the construction of public and private space. Notes that new
social characters are produced through advertisement which have nothing to do
with production: “we know nothing about [characters] except that they are young, urban, and affluent… As class faded from
advertising, youth and gender became increasingly important.” (147) A switch to
female consumption. “Two kinds of women appeared in Stalin-era ads: the
sentimentalized mother and the glamorous urbanite” (148). She can’t, however,
distance herself from the authoritative picture of the Soveit state: speaking
of the emphasis on consumption, she refers to some agent “outside” of the
society (i.e., Soviet ideologists): “This transformation… was intended to
encourage a Soviet identity in which politics and class carried far less weight
than family life, gender, and leisure… Advertising from the very beginning of
the Stalin period deemphasized production, politics, and class and focused
instead on the private, emotional effects of consumption” (156). And what did
she expect to find??? A kind of “all-resources-to-the-production-of-weapons”
thing? Consumption wasn’t invented out of nowhere, it was culturally rooted in
NEP-era consumption, in already existing social values. Perhaps, the best
explanation of this is through Hegelian objectification: these advertisement
were not part of social engineering by the Stalinist regime, it would be a very
big simplification, but themselves embodied certain social trends and
tendencies: for example, the figures of “glamorous urbanites” could actually be
brought into Soviet discourse by “middle class” women during the NEP from
pre-revolutionary and Western fashion (Ellochka-liudoedochka from 12 chairs).
Evgeny Dobrenko
studies representations of space (‘cultural topography’) in postage-stamps,
tourism journals and popular geography. John McCannon (University of
Saskatchewan) explores “the Arctic’s space in the USSR’s modern cosmography”
(242), arguing that it was more a testing ground for the making of a new Soviet
man/woman and the last frontier rather than anything else (hence ignorance of conditions,
costs, psychological influence, etc.). Use of the Arctic myth to reinforce the
structures of authority (Stalinist mythology). Interesting observations: polar
explorers and Arctic pilots typically came to Moscow to meet Stalin after the completion
of their adventures; i.e., the archetypical plot of the socialist realism was
materialized in these cases (249-250).
No comments:
Post a Comment