Steinmetz, Willibald, “New
Perspectives on the Study of Language and Power in the Short Twentieth
Century,” in Steinmetz, Willibald (ed.), Political
Languages in the Age of Extremes. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. P.
3–51.
Steinmetz starts by the mastery of political languages in the 20th century became a mass
phenomenon, rather than only a sphere practiced by intellectuals. He adds that
the mass media revolution also contributed to a changing role of political
languages in the organization and mobilization of their societies. “[P]olitics,
rather than breaking into two separate spheres, is better understood as a
continuum of verbal, visual, and other communicative performances by all kinds
of political actors, ruling elites, media professionals, party organizations,
and individual citizens.” (4) “[T]he notion that political decisions can
somehow be isolated from the continuous
flow of
communication preparing them, lending words to them, symbolizing, legitimizing, and interpreting them seems to be
questionable.” (4-5)
Steinmetz then
addresses a question, to what degree the political stability of regimes
depended on their skill and ability to control linguistic production in the
political sphere. He makes an excellent point that “strict policies to enforce
certain usages of language resulted in ritualized forms of communication which,
in the long run, impaired the regimes’ capacity to learn and to handle crises.”
(5) This certainly worked in the case with the USSR. He discusses that although
people were able to escape from the symbolic frameworks imposed on them by
political languages around them, “they were forced time and again to resort to
the very terms and concepts they abhorred.” (5)
Steinmetz then moves
to discuss the project of his volume (to give a transnational picture of the
relationship between power and language in the twentieth century) and offers
several case studies to illustrate this relationship. He starts with Raymond
Williams, an English linguist who studied historical context of language change
in post-war Britain, moves to Reinhart Koselleck with his wartime experience of
the Eastern front and a Soviet prisoner of war camp. “His first academic work,
Kritik und Krise, accepted as a doctoral thesis in 1954 and published in 1959 was
devoted to uncovering the ‘pathogenesis’, as he called it, of this mental habit
of subjecting present political structures to a permanent moral critique by an appeal
to history conceived of as a unified, teleological process.” (11) His relation
with Carl Shmitt and consequent disapproval of Anglo-American liberalism. Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe – “Koselleck’s
hypothesis that the decisive semantic shifts which inaugurated our own modern
age took place in the so-called Sattelzeit, at least in the German-speaking
countries.” (12)
Steinmetz then moves
to discuss literary works with the agenda “to attribute what is narrated to the
authors’ own, or their relatives’ and acquaintances’, personal ‘spaces of
experience’ and ‘horizons of expectation’.” (13) He starts with Life and Fate by Vasily Grossman. “Grossman
thus makes clear that it was not just the choice of words, the lexical side of
language, that decided one’s fate, but at least as much how things were uttered
and how they were understood by those who were present or were told about the
situation later.” (17) Grossman thanks to his literary method is able to
describe not only shifts in concepts, but also in “non-lexical elements”: “the
body language of facial expression and gestures; the emotions signalled by
tone, voice, pauses, or silence; the influence of the reactions expected from
interlocutors to what people said or suppressed.” (19)
Another example is
autobiography by Ruth Klüger, a Jewish-Austrian literary scholar. “Klüger
describes how she developed communicative competence and asserted a language of
her own in adverse surroundings where the boundaries of what could be said were
almost always set by men, though often enforced by women, in Klüger’s youth
above all by her mother… If the book has a political message, it is the insight
that an exclusionary or derogatory ideology can never be countered unless one
avoids reproducing its key concepts and manners of speech.” (21) A description
of how other people (psychotherapist, e.g.) refuse to use her concepts to
describe her experience and, thus, ignore her identity and try instead to
impose on her another “proper” identity.
Finally, Steinmetz
goes to analyze Václav Havel’s writing. “The term ‘post-totalitarian’ was
coined by Havel himself in the dismal decade after the crushing of the Prague
Spring of 1968. He used the term to define a system which no longer relied on
crude terror, mass executions, concentration camps, or Gulags, but primarily on
the compliance of its own citizens.” (26)
“[Havel] stringently
dissected the communicative patterns which had caused the system’s intellectual
immobility and made it incapable of coping with reality effectively. Three
mechanisms in particular, he suggested, brought about what he then called ‘evasive thinking’, that is, ‘a way of
thinking that turns away from the core of the matter to something else’. The
first was the use of ‘magic words’
which either deflected criticism of bad conditions, as when a fallen window
sill in a housing estate was called a ‘local matter’, or seemed to suggest that
the means to handle such negative conditions, in this case ‘socialist
maintenance by the tenants’, were a necessary stage in the development of
socialism. The second was what he called ‘false
contextualization’, which placed specific grievances, such as rotting
buildings, into ever wider contexts until one was made to believe that the
buildings have to rot because otherwise ‘we would have long ago been
involved in World War Three’ and the ‘prospects of mankind’ would be
endangered. The third was ‘dialectical
metaphysics’, a form of reasoning which dissolved concrete realities in
‘vacuous verbal balancing acts’ such as ‘in a certain sense yes, but in another
sense no’, ‘we must not, on the one hand, overestimate, nor, on the other hand,
should we underestimate’, and so on.” (27) All this led to the ritualization of
language and its inability to cope with change in the outside world. “Ritualized
communication had resulted in an anonymization of power and created a ‘social
auto-totality’.” (28) Redefinition of old terms as a strategy to cope with the
Communist regime: by “such attempts to redefine things and build up
corresponding ‘parallel structures’, Havel hoped to initiate a ‘creeping
process’ that would, in the end, erode the post-totalitarian systems.” (29)
Similar tendencies on the other side of the Iron Curtain.
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