Foucault, Michel. The
History of Sexuality. Vol.1: An Introduction. New York: Vintage Books,
1990.
The topic sentence(s) of the entire
volume appear on p. 105, when Foucault concisely states what his agenda for the
entire project on the history of sexuality is. Speaking of how knowledge about
sexuality formed in Europe throughout the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth
centuries, he says that, rather than a process which aimed at obtaining
knowledge about sexuality,
“what was involved, rather, was the
very production of sexuality. Sexuality must not be thought of as a kind of
natural given which power tries to hold in check, or as an obscure domain which
knowledge tries gradually to uncover. It is the name that can be given to a historical
construct: not a furtive reality that is difficult to grasp, but a great
surface network in which the stimulation of bodies, the intensification of
pleasures, the incitement to discourse, the formation of special knowledges,
the strengthening of controls and resistances, are linked to one another, in
accordance with a few major strategies of knowledge and power.” (105-6)
Foucault’s project is informed by
his fears that power relations and meanings so deeply penetrated into the
structures of sexuality that even what might seem as emancipation can actually
reinforce patterns of domination. Ideology abducts language, and in the course of
three centuries, sexual desire was transformed into discourse (21). What we
might take for Victorian “repression” of sexuality was in fact time when
discourse on sexuality (and, hence, sexuality) greatly enlarged: “there was
installed rather an apparatus for producing an ever greater quantity of
discourse about sex, capable of functioning and taking effect in its very
economy.” (23) He also argues that a historical account of discourse on
sexuality should address not only what was said, but silences as well, for
silences can be just as meaningful as explicitly discussed things: “Silence
itself... is less the absolute limit of discourse, the other side from which it
is separated by a strict boundary, than an element that functions alongside the
things said.” (27) Equally important are underlying assumptions which form the
contextual field within which discourse is produced, negotiated and consumed.
The mechanism by which the subjugation
of sex by power occurs is historical: it was established through enforcement and
self-enforcement of practices of constant surveillance, including writing of
diaries, visits to doctors, search for ‘perverts’ and their isolation, etc. For
example, medicine: “Medicine made a forceful entry into the pleasures of the
couple: it created an entire organic, functional, or mental pathology arising
out of ‘incomplete’ sexual practices; it carefully classified all forms of
related pleasures; it incorporated them into the notions of ‘development’ and
instinctual ‘disturbances’; and it undertook to manage them.” (41) As the
result of all these practices which surrounded people in their coming to
sexuality, they got trapped in this discourse about sexuality and “power
advanced, multiplied its relays and effects.” (42) Power became sensualized,
power became all about pleasure and in pleasure (44-5). Peripheral sexualities
were particularly important in this respect, hence why authorities were always
obsessed with perversions, incest, etc.—“it is through the isolation,
intensification, and consolidation of peripheral sexualities that the relations
of power to sex and pleasure branched out and multiplied, measured the body,
and penetrated modes of conduct.” (48)
Foucault examines “scientific”
discourse about sexualities; his focus is on the idea of how people became
preoccupied with producing “truths” about sex. He argues that this
preoccupation with truth was an indication of the desire of intellectuals to assume
and embody power, to ensure the cleanness and morality of the social body, to
secure the proper evolution of mankind (in social, but also in the biological sense)
(54). That’s why it was bourgeoisie and, to a lesser extent, aristocracy (who supplied
most intellectuals) which were preoccupied with sex, hence so much attention to
everything related to it (women’s neuroses, children’s onanism, perversions,
etc.), because through institutions and practices which addressed these areas,
privileged classes structured and discipline their social bodies and, in a way,
‘hoped’ that this attention to biological means of reproduction would help them
reproduce their group socially (“it staked its life and death on sex by making
it responsible for its future welfare; it placed its hopes for the future in
sex by imagining it to have ineluctable effects on generations to come; it
subordinated its soul to sex by conceiving of it as what constituted the soul’s
most secret and determinant part” – 124). Their preoccupation leads to the
emergence of cultural space permeated with sexual practices (built often
through negation, othering, criticism, stigmatization, etc.), which people
cannot escape. Result of these new technologies of sexuality: “What was formed
was a political ordering of life, not through an enslavement of others, but
through an affirmation of self” (123) To achieve all this, European
intellectuals “constructed around and apropos of sex an immense apparatus for
producing truth, even if this truth had to be masked at the last moment.” (56) That’s
why Foucault calls his own intellectual project “the ‘political economy’ of a
will to knowledge.” (73) Intellectuals create discourse about sexuality in four
major directions: (a) a hysterization of women’s bodies, (b) a pedagogization
of children’s sex, (c) a socialization of procreative behavior, and (d) psychiatrization of perverse pleasure
(104-5).
Foucault develops in the fourth part
of his book a theory of desire which is about: “where there is desire, the
power relation is already present.” (81) Power needs to colonize desire,
because power is all about subjugation, domination, repression and obedience,
so “power is tolerable only on condition that it mask a substantial part of
itself.” (86) That’s why power can be so nice and good: it is because its masks
itself in desire (among other things). Foucault argues that this can happen only
because power doesn’t exist (just) as some centralized form, but is rather
because it colonized various forms of social life and is now reproduced through
them. “The omnipresence of power: not because it has the privilege of
consolidating everything under its invincible unity, but because it is produced
from one moment to next, at every point, or rather in every relation from one
point to another. Power is everywhere; not because it embraces everything, but because
it comes from everywhere.” (93) “Power comes from below.” (94) Power is indispensable
for the self: “what was formed [as the result of discourse on sex] was a
political ordering of life, not through an enslavement of others, but through
an affirmation of self.” (123)
Power imposes and enforces itself by
a number of subtle, almost invisible relays, the main one of which is the body
– “the body that produces and consumes.” (107) Reasons behind the deployment of
sexuality are not primarily human reproduction, but “proliferating, innovating,
annexing, creating, and penetrating bodies in an increasingly detailed way, and
in controlling populations in an increasingly comprehensive ways.” (107) That’s
why sexuality in Europe expanded greatly since the seventeenth century: it is
so closely related to power, that with the expansion and elaboration of power,
human sexuality – a site where power materializes itself – could not but to
expand as well.
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