tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-38225368296382173152024-03-13T12:07:05.511-07:00Summaries of my ReadingsAlexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.comBlogger111125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-21356871284956513902020-02-24T09:28:00.002-08:002020-02-24T09:28:48.223-08:00Dina Fainberg, Artemy Kalinovsky, eds. Reconsidering Stagnation in the Brezhnev Era<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Dina Fainberg, Artemy
Kalinovsky, eds. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Reconsidering Stagnation
in the Brezhnev Era: Ideology and Exchange</i>. London: Lexington Books, 2016. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">This edited volume
aims to do precisely what its title suggests: to reconsider the period of
Brezhnev’s tenure as the CPSU General Secretary in terms of historical change,
development, and the emergence of new trends. They start by looking at the
genealogy of this metaphor of ‘stagnation’ which they trace to Mikhail
Gorbachev’s attempts at political mobilization from 1986 on. This sentiment
was, in fact, shared by some contemporaries (they quote Anatoly Chernyaev’s
diary as an example). However, some of the contemporaries also noted the
increased complexity of Soviet society and politics, including urbanization and
education, improved agriculture, rising standards of living, the successful
cooptation of intellectual and non-Russian elites, and upward mobility (p. xi).
The editors conclude: “As one starts to add up the exception, the accuracy of
the term ‘stagnation’ begins to crumble” (p. xii). While attempting at the
deconstruction of this term, the editors stop short of offering another
conceptual framework: “The purpose of this volume is to push the discussion of
the Brezhnev era beyond the debate over the possibility of reform. We do not
seek to replace the stagnation narrative with a new story, but to examine the
Brezhnev era on its own terms and to situate it on the continuum of Soviet
history” (p. xiv). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Natalya Chernyshova in
her “Consumers as Citizens: Revisiting the Question of Public Disengagement in
the Brezhnev Era” suggests that the persistent interpretation of civic life in
terms of “privatization” and “disengagement,” esp. in regards to consumerism
(as in Shlapentokh) is misleading, as this argument misses that consumer
culture during the Brezhnev Era involved a great deal of public engagement,
such as writing letters to the state bodies and building social networks. The
chapters “highlight[s] the participatory character of Soviet shopping and show
how it was a collective, rather than individual, experience” (4). Even black
market was connected to the state in multiple ways, and dealing with the
problems of urban retail trade forced Soviet people to address the authorities
as citizens (4) – in other words, shopping did contribute to a changed
understanding of Soviet citizenship that the editors discussed in the
Introduction. Chernyshova starts by discussing how the structure of consumption
changed during the Brezhnev era: “Material well-being assumed a significant
role in making people feel good about themselves and society” (6), a claim
advanced by Soviet sociologists who studied tastes of Soviet people at that
time. Late Soviet consumerism, produced by the official state policies (which
implied that happy citizens will be happy workers), was in many ways very
similar to other forms of modern consumerism. Both officially and in practice
“consumption was a way to engage with the Soviet collective rather than isolate
oneself from it” (7). The forms of engagement include queueing, establishing
contacts with sales clerks, and even illegal activities. In contrast to James
Millar who argued about the “Little Deal” that the Soviet government
intentionally allowed its subjects to profiteer from the black market,
Chernyshova argues that it was caused by the inability of the penitentiary
system to deal with the scale of petty theft in the late USSR, which caused the
authorities to realize that “combatting underground practices through police
action would have little impact without serious changes to the entire economic
system” (11). Even (or perhaps especially) <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">nomenklatura
</i>was involved in the shadow economy (12). Foreign tourism and business trips
were another source of prestige commodities in Soviet society, sold either
privately or through a network of second-hand stores (14). “[I]n their capacity
as consumers, Soveit urbanites engaged with the state system almost on a daily
basis. They did not eschew state retail altogether but took initiative to adapt
it to their needs, for instance, by persuading salesclerks to hod back
high-demand goods for them, and to supplement it by acquiring things imported
by individuals rather than official trade organizations, by buying from
friends, colleagues, and profiteers… Consumers got increasingly enmeshed in a
complex network of goods circulation that did not necessariliy involve a simple
visit to a shop but which was not, nonetherless, disconnected from state retail
as well as other state institutions altogether” (15). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Simon Huxtable in “The
Life and Death of Brezhniev’s Thaw: Changing Values in Soviet Journalism after
Khrushchev, 1964-68” discusses the shift in journalism that followed the
dismissal of Khrushchev and transition to a more thorough political control over
it from the late 1960s on. Huxtable argues that this transition period was, in
fact, vibrant with hopes “in the press’s power to promote a new kind of
technocratic governance, based on rational discussion of the country’s needs
through publicistic writing and criticism” (22). These hopes were a product of
the Thaw that a new professional ethos<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>“which included an innate sense of ethical responsibility and a shared
sense of professional goals,” including striving for intellectual and professional
autonomy (Ibidem). Under Khrushchev, journalists reconceptualized their
profession in terms of public control over officials (although usually low- and
mid-level) and educating public opinion. In the four years after Khrushchev’s
dismissal, Soviet journalists tried to implement this ethos in their
professional activities. For example, some of the debates of that period sought
to “place Soviet journalism on a new, more scientific footing” (27). New forms
of writing (<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">publitsistika</i>) also
played as tools for journalists’self-fashioning as responsible Soviet subjects
(29) – Huxtable here loses an opportunity to place this argument within a
broader discussion of Soviet writing techniques as self-fashioning tools
(Hellbeck, Halfin, Pinsky, Kharkhordin, etc.). The journalists further tried to
use the officially sanctioned <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">kritika i
samokritika </i>to improve Soviet society (32), although this argument would
benefit by a quick discussion of how it was different from the journalism of
the 1930s that was all about <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">kritika i
samokritika</i>. This trend brought journalists into an increasing conflict
with bureaucracts: “a tension emerged between the need for the press to perform
a watchdog function in the interests of social transformation and the need to
maintain stability in the face of domestic and international tensions. Although
politicians were committed to change in principle, when it came to their own
fiefdoms, they were fiercely protective… Over time, it is not surprising that
fewer journalists were willing to risk attacking entrenched bureaucracy and
corruption, even if those remained the press’s officially mandated tasks” (34).
By 1968, this challenge from outside the party structures lead the Party
authorities to launch a campaign against the journal <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Zhurnalist</i>, a flagship journal of Soviet journalism. This
represented the desire of the party apparatus to take back control over the
press, which was now supposed to focus on the criticism of outside threats and
ideological support of the party initiatives. Yet the ethos of ‘critical
journalism’ did not die during the 1970s and early 1980s, which prepared their
activities during the perestroika. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Lewis Siegelbaum in
“People on the Move during the ‘Era of Stagnation’: The Rural Exodus in the
RSFSR during the 1960s-1980s” examines the ‘third stage’ of rural outmigration
after World War II when “between 1959 and 1978, cities absorbed 1.5 million
rural migrants every year. Over the next census period (1978-88), the rate
declined to nine hundred thousand.” (46) Men led this process (partially due to
the vertical mobility channels offered through compulsory conscription).
Industry kept on its recruitment in the rural areas as well. Women followed men
(marital patterns), but also tried to move to the urban areas to improve their
living standards. Despite certain efforts to slow down or reverse this process,
it resonated with the dominant ideology, so no radical measures were taken by
the authorities (52). The rural outmigration led to the process of
‘liquidation’ of rural settlements.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Christian Noack in “Brezhnev’s
‘Little Freedoms’: Tourism, Individuality, and Mobility in the Late Soviet
Period” examines a conflict of two ideas of “proper” summer vacation: the
officially encouraged vacations provide by trade unions for its members, and
thus offered on an individual basis, vis-à-vis ‘wild’ (non-organized) tourism
that became increasingly popular among families during the late Soviet era. The
article suggests that, even though there was a push ‘from below’ to incorporate
family vacationing into the state-funded infrastructure, the beachside
infrastructure in the USSR did not provide a material basis for family vacationing,
and only well into the 1970s began to accommodate to the popular demand. Due to
these tensions, tourist officials came in the end to support individual
tourism, first of all, its motorized version. However, a huge influx of
motorized tourists to beach towns led to another set of problems: that with
parking, sleeping premises, and even water and food provision. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">In Chapter 5, Andrey
Shcherbenok examines how the turn to the aesthetics of decay in late Soviet
cinema heralded the new ability of Soviet cinematographers to go around without
any authoritative discourse. In Chapter 6, Sari Autio-Sarasmo aims to reassess
the idea of “stagnation” by switching the focus from the Soviet competition
with the US to the Soviet cooperation with Finland and West Germany. Autio-Sarasmo
registers how the desire of Soviet leaders to modernize their industry led them
to create an intensive network of technical cooperation with Western countries
which, despite a discourse of stagnation, was active and effective throughout
the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. This cooperation was facilitated by personal
contacts and commercial interests of western companies such as Nokia and
Siemens. However, this cooperation produced limited results as “the main
weakness was that the domestic R&D capabilities were unable to assist in
the adaptation and exploration of new technologies and the inability of the
system to generate innovations” (99). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Anna Gelzer in Chapter
7 “Stagnant Science? The Planning and Coordination of Biomedical Research in
the Brezhnev Era” compares two perspectives on biomedical research: the top-down
planning process in the Academy for Medical Sciences, which was extremely
complicated by the large and ineffective bureaucratic structure, and the activities
of the Moscow Institute of Oncology and, in particular, its director N.N.
Blokhin who rebuilt it into a comprehensive National Oncology Scientific
Center. In Chapter 8, Juliane Fürst discusses the evolution of a Moscow hippie
group, known as <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Sistema</i>, from a
generally open student subculture that had a lot in common with Western hippies
to a much more limited and closed group under the pressure of the Soviet
authorities, and in doing so came to resemble a typically Soviet dissident/non-conformist
organization. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Sistema </i>existed in a
paradoxical symbiosis with the official state system of the Brezhnev era. Finally,
Courtney Doucette in Chapter 9 on Norton Dodge, an American collector of Soviet
unofficial art, and Simo Mikkonen in Chapter 10 on Soviet-Finnish musical exchanges
examine transnational networks of Soviet artists and musicians, respectively,
arguing that they were part and parcel of the international cultural milieu. </span></div>
</div>
Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-23565440868039170202020-02-11T11:47:00.002-08:002020-02-11T11:47:54.904-08:00Valerii Golofast, Sem’ia v krupnom gorode<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Valerii Golofast, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Sem’ia v krupnom gorode</i>, in: Valerii
Golofast, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Stat’i raznykh let</i> (SPb:
Aleteia, 2006), pp. 15-234. </span><span lang="RU"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">This book is one of
the most fascinating analyses of the Soviet family during late socialism. The
book agenda is informed by one of the biggest challenges of late socialism as Soviet
society revealed a trend towards decreasing fertility rates in its European (“more
developed”) regions, such as Russia, Ukraine, and the Baltic states, where they
fell below a population reproduction level, while in the Central Asia and Transcaucasia
they remained exemplary high. As a result, this study belongs to the class of
population management studies with a very clear research agenda: to understand
what factors contribute to (a) the diminishing number of children in “European”
Soviet families, and (b) a high rate of divorces, which had a negative impact
on the psychological well-being of Soviet subjects – also an aspect of modern
biopolitics where the well-being of state subjects stands in direct connection
with their ability to contribute to the economic growth. Put in the language of
the author, he is interested in what causes the “dysfunctions” among modern
families (p. 21). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Chapter 1 examines the
regional differences in the structure of Soviet family. Quite a standard picture
of low fertility rates in the “European” republics of the USSR; Golofast argues
that urbanization is the primary factor driving changes in the Soviet family
life. </span><span lang="RU">«... на нынешнем этапе урбанизации в СССР нарушения
режима воспроизводства населения, его брачного и семейного состояния охватывают
не только крупные и большие города; они становятся проблемой крупных регионов
страны. Тем самым все более необходимо совершенствование демографической и
семейной политики, анализ ее принципов и направлений с учетом конкретных
особенностей регионального состояния семьи, общественных, семейных и личных потребностей,
на удовлетворение которых направлены проводимые мероприятия» (38). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Chapter 2 focuses on
the types of families in Leningrad (nuclear family is clearly dominant);
chapter 3 looks at the structure of Leningrad families (parents-children-etc, whose
property they live on, whether they share it with relatives or not, etc.).
Chapter 4 focuses on the horizontal connections between the families (parents
vs. married children). Lots of useful statistical data on how common it was for
grandparents to help and in what spheres of life. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Chapter 5 “Family
tensions” examines the main negative factors that prevent families from “functioning
properly” (in other words, why so many Soviet families failed to conform to the
social norms as defined by the authorities). </span><span lang="RU">“Состояние
семьи привлекает внимание и вызывает тревогу в связи<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>с рядом социальных проблем развития образа
жизни населения крупного города. Снижение рождаемости, постарение населения,
высокая доля мигрантов в городах деформируют инфраструктуру города, усугубляют дефицит
трудовых ресурсов в ближайшей перспективе» (85). </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Golofast connects “disorganization of the family and marriage among the
urban communities” with alcoholism and other deviant behaviours. Golofast
argues that these negative trends are merely a by-product of the transitionary period
when the previous family form is transforming into a new, genuinely socialist
family form. In thes chapter, Golofast discusses how they used sociological
polls to try to understand, what aspects of family life (attitude to children,
drinking habits, smoking, personal behavior, bad sex, adultery, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">kulturnost’</i>, etc.) add emotional burdens
on the Soviet family. While the research is interesting by itself, Golofast
makes it clear that he is mainly interested in these tension factors not per
se, but rather as obstacles preventing people from “reaching happiness” (98). The
author is trying to build an argument that many of these tensions are just a
temporary phenomenon while Soviet society is working out a new model of family
relations. At the same time, this research is prescriptive, and so the study
aims to identify and, perhaps, even foresee these trends and, through
influencing government policies, help them come into reality rather sooner than
later. Golofast is therefore concerned that most of the responsibilities for
family management lie with women, which leads to high levels of stress. </span><span lang="RU">«Значимым афктором напряженности в семье продолжает оставаться форма
отношений между ее членами, ежедневная практика выполнения многообразных семейных
функций таким образом, что как наиболее важные из них (ответственые решения,
крупные расходы, распределение денег), так и наиболее трудоемкие и хлопотные
(повседневные покупки, бытовые дела) концентрируются скорее в руках жены, а не
других членов семьи» (105). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Chapter 6 studies the
normative expectations of gender roles in Soviet families. While straightforward
questions about gender equality lead to predictable answers (most respondents
support it), subtler questioning suggests that gender equality is a process
which is barely half way through. As a result, Golofast repeatst his idea that
sociology should be prescriptive and influence the popularization of new social
norms: «</span><span lang="RU">изучение</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">нормативных</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">основ</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">семейного</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">поведения</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">следует</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">считать</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">важной</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">областью</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">не</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">только</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">само</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">по</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">себе</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">,
</span><span lang="RU">но</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">и</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">в</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">целях</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">развития</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">общей</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">теории</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">нормативной</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">детерминации</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">деятельности</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">в</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">условиях</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">социализма</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">» (123). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Chapter 7 examines “happiness
in marriage.” In</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">the</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">very</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">first</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">paragraph</span><span lang="RU">, </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Golofast</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">makes</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">it</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">clear</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">that</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">he</span><span lang="RU">’</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">s</span>
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">primarily</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">interested</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">in</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">the</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">social</span>
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">aspect</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">of</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">happiness</span><span lang="RU">: “постановка проблемы счастья как общественной проблемы, как создание экономических
и социальных условий счастливой, полнокровной жизни для всех групп населения – это
завоевание революции, ее долгосрочная программа"(124). “Реальная задача [исследования]
обозначить факторы (регуляторы) счастливых супружеских отношений, а также
факторы риска, предоставив этим самым возможность человеку осознанно искать
счастья, избегать таящихся, скрытых от него препятствий» (125) – </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">in</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">other</span>
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">words</span><span lang="RU">, </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Golofast</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">here</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">represents</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">the</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">late</span>
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Soviet</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">trend</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">for</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">producing</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">self</span><span lang="RU">-</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">regulating</span>
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">subjects</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">who</span><span lang="RU">, through </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">acquiring</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">certain</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">forms</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">o</span><span lang="RU">f literacy, </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">would</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">independently</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">implement</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">the</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">state</span><span lang="RU">’</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">s</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">biopolitics</span> <span lang="RU">(</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">happy</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">marriage</span><span lang="RU">, </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">children</span><span lang="RU">, </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">productive</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">relations</span><span lang="RU">). </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Among</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">the</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">reasons</span>
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">that</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">provoke</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">divorces</span><span lang="RU">, </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Golofast</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">mentions</span> <span lang="RU">“причины, приводящие
к мыслям о расторжении брака, в основном носят эмоционально-нравственный,
духовный характер. В меньшей степени имеет значение (131) распределение
обязанностей в семье. Неудовлетворенность материальными и жилищными условиями, структурные
характеристики семьи не имеют связей с ориентацией к разводу (132)» - </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">in</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">other</span>
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">words</span><span lang="RU">, </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">he</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">keeps</span>
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">on</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">emphasizing</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">the</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">priority</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">of</span> <span lang="RU">‘</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">internal</span><span lang="RU">’ </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">mechanisms</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">for</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">achieving</span>
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">happiness</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">that</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">only</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">depend</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">on</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">the</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">people</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">themselves</span><span lang="RU">. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Curiously</span><span lang="RU">, </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Golofast</span> <span lang="RU">– </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">through</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">his</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">sociological</span>
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">analysis</span> <span lang="RU">– </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">revives</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">a</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">commonplace</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">idea</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">that</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">women</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">are</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">more</span>
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">materially</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">invested</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">and</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">oriented</span><span lang="RU">, </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">while</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">men</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">are</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">somewhat</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">more</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">spiritual</span><span lang="RU">: «Непосредственно общая успешность счастливых в браке складывается... из
положительности оценок: у женщин – семейного достатка, досуга, работы и в
какой-то мере жилищного положения; у мужчин – своей работы и во вторую очередь
материальных и жилищных условий. В целом здесь, по-видимому, проявилось
существующее в скрытом виде стремление мужчин к самоуважению: это признание и
уважением извне и собственная удовлетворенность достигнутым (149)... Наибольшей
удовлетворенностью жизнью отличаются счастливые в браке женщины (превосходя
мужчин), и если вспомнить приведенные выше модели, то «женская» - семейно
(материально) ориентированная – осуществляется чуть успешнее, нежели «мужская»
(духовная, общественная, производственная)» (150). </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">At the very end of the chapter, Golofast
reiterates why he thinks these questions are important: “</span><span lang="RU">В</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">счастливом</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">браке</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">человек</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">оказывается</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">социально</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">более</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">активным</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">и</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">адаптированным</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">» (151). Chapter 8 continues the inquiry into social,
psychological, and moral problems of marriage. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Chapter 9 examines life
priorities among Soviet men and women. Once again, confirms the commonplace
knowledge that women are more oriented to their families, whereas men – much broader:
“</span><span lang="RU">Круг</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">
</span><span lang="RU">важнейших</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">радостей</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">мужчин</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">шире</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">и</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">разнообразней</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> (</span><span lang="RU">семья</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">,
</span><span lang="RU">дети</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">, </span><span lang="RU">досуг</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">, </span><span lang="RU">работа</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">), чем у </span><span lang="RU">женщин</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> (</span><span lang="RU">дети</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">, </span><span lang="RU">семья</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">)» (165). </span><span lang="RU">«Женщины гораздо сильнее вовлечены </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">He</span><span lang="RU">в проблемы семьи, чем мужчины, часто они не
делают различия между забоатами и радостями, т.е. то, что заботит, одновременно
является и радостью. Некоторой части женщин свойственен акцент на детях как на
радости жизни, которая является заместителем всех радостей» (167). </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">He</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">is</span>
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">also</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">concerned</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">with</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">a</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">potential</span>
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">lack</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">of</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">the</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">self</span><span lang="RU">-</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">disciplining</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">drive</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">among</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Soviet</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">working</span><span lang="RU">-</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">class</span>
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">families</span><span lang="RU">: «Что касается
ориентации на образование, саморазвитие, то они у несемейной молодежи, попавшей
в нашу выборку, развиты слабо, и их снижение (а у женщин почти полное
исчзеновение) при вступлении в брак свидетельствует о хрупкости и
неустойчивости данных ценностей. По-видимому, среднее образование, свойственное
молодому поколению рабочих, облегчается освоение прежде всего элементарных
основ культуры, но не является гарантией дальнейшего приобщения к подлинным
духовным ценностям. Как свидетельствуют недавние обследования образа жизни
городдских рабочих, при (173) все многообразии форм досуга современной рабочей
молодежи его качественные характеристики далеки от оптимальности (174, ссылка
на: Гордон Л.А., Клопов Э.В., Оников Л.А. Черты социалистического образа жизни:
Быт городских рабочих вчера, сегодня, завтра. М., 1977. С. 51-72). <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Golofast’s prescriptive
agenda not just to describe the ongoing social transformation of the Soviet
family, but also contribute to its faster stabilization for the sake of
socialist productivity leads him to a conclusion that the state should act through
the bodies and minds of women. On</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">p</span><span lang="RU">. 180, </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">there</span><span lang="RU">, </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">he</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">offers</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">a</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">prescriptive</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">definition</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">of</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">a</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">proper</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Soviet</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">womanhood</span><span lang="RU">: “Усиление семейной направленности женщин, повышение для них
значимости супружеских отношений – это общая тенденция, связанная с
наступлением нового этапа в далеко не новом процессе женской эмансипации.
Первый этап – выход женщины за пределы семьи и овладением равными см мужчинами
позициями в общественно-трудовой сфере – в основном завершился. Найден способ
адаптации женщин к необхоидмости сочетания семейных и общественно-трудовых
ролей, в частности малодетность. Противоборство между общетвенно-трудовым
ролями и семейными с объективном плане завершилось скорее в пользу трудовых
ролей: женщины успешно справляются с трудовыми ролями и менее успешно (с точки
зрения общества) – с семейными (малодетность, недостаточный воспитательный
потенциал семьи, рост числа разводов). В субъективном же плане это
противобоерство завершилось в пользу семейных ролей. Откры для себя
общественно-трудовую сферу и научившись реализовать в ней свои возможности и
стремления, женщины только начинают осваивать сферу семьи во всей ее
многогранности. Процесс эмансипации привел женщину снова в семью, но это уже
иная женщина и иная семья». A</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">nd</span>
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">then</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">on</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">p</span><span lang="RU">.
187: “Достижение такого уровня, когда семейные факторы не препятствуют развитию
трудовой направленности (при благоприятных профессиональных факторах) и когда
женщины начинают обретать способности и возможности развития индивидуально-личностных
потребностей, дается жещнинам нелегко. Развитие идет медленно, ибо женщина как
субъектадаптации действует на пределе адаптационных возможностей. Дальнейший
рост активности женщин в сферах семьи, труда, досуга и духовного рзавития может
быть обеспечен лишь при действенной социальной политикен, направленной на
удовлетворение и стимулирование потребностей женщин во всех без исключения
сферах их деятельности. Причем объектом социальной политики в первую очередь
должны стать представительницы тех слоев трудящихся женщин, которые пока что
находятся в наименее благоприятных условиях труда. Вместе с тем, многое в этом
процессе зависит от формирования новых взаимоотношений в семье, в частности от
семейных ориентаций мужчин, от активности их в семейной сфере. Становелние новой
семьи требует, пожалуй, большей перестройки от мужчин, чем от женщин. Проблема
"профессиональная деятельность мужчин и семья" еще только возникает,
но, по-видимому, бубдет обостряться». </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Cuiriously, while Golofast does mention that a new family will require a
large <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>transformation of male roles, he
doesn’t really give any suggestions on how it should look like. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">In Conclusion,
Golofast returns to the underlying agenda of his research by asking anew the
question about falling birth rates, including unwillingness of the people to
incorporate the biopolitical agenda of the state: “</span><span lang="RU">Во</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">многих</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">современных</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">странах</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">, </span><span lang="RU">а</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">также</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">в</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">развитых</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">регионах</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">нашей</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">страны</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">нарушения</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">в</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">режиме</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">воспроизводства</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">достигли</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">такой</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">степени</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">, </span><span lang="RU">что</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">препятствует</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">(sic) </span><span lang="RU">демографической</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">устойчивости</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">, </span><span lang="RU">а</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">тем</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">более</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">демографическому</span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> </span><span lang="RU">росту</span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">…. </span><span lang="RU">Каков социальный
механизм, приводящих современную семью к малодетности? Почему социальная
потребность удержания уровня рождаемости в демографически нормальных границах
не осознается людьми как личная потребность в рождении двух-трех детей в
среднем на одну брачную пару?» (199) </span><span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">as</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">well</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">as</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">the</span>
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">requirements</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">of</span> <span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">political</span>
<span style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">economy</span><span lang="RU">: «Каков вклад
семьи в исторические изменения мотивации труда и потребления – прцоессов,
лежащих в основе (199) производительности общественного труда и ценностной
структуры образа жизни? (200)». </span></div>
</div>
Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-75082096942036708922015-03-09T16:12:00.004-07:002015-03-09T16:13:40.387-07:00The present / History / the past<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Ran across a good quotation, posting here in a kind of prosthetic memorizing.<br />
<br />
History is a kind of translation of the present, performed by looking at “the past,” which is itself a constructed fabric including some fibres and excluding others. It is rewritten constantly as the present tense moves and changes. </div>
Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-44086185742069392002015-03-07T19:00:00.000-08:002015-03-07T19:00:29.093-08:00Brian Massumi, The Autonomy of Affect<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Brian Massumi, “The Autonomy of Affect,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cultural Critique</i>, no. 31, part II (Autumn 1995): 83–109.</b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0cm;">
Brian Massumi’s
article in the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cultural Critique </i>represents
an attempt to conceptualize the affect as a category of research in social
sciences and humanities. This agenda leads Massumi to work on a very high level
of abstraction. This philosophical take on the affect resulted in a framework
which became quite popular in scholarly research: Google Scholar counted 467
citations for Massumi’s “The Autonomy of Affect,” and 2693 citations for his 2002
book <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Parables for the Virtual</i>, in
which this article became the first chapter,<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3822536829638217315#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span></span></span></a>
an indication of its notable effect on academia. To a certain extent, the
popularity of Massumi’s ideas can be explained by the timely appearance of his
article at the very beginning of the affective turn, when it became a flagship
text for scholars in various disciplines to use in order to find new
perspectives on their disciplines and material. At the same time, Massumi
actively contributed to the conceptualization of the affect in Anglophone
scholarship by his translation of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari’s works. At
the same time, the high level of abstraction in Massumi’s work on the affect
leads to a somewhat speculative nature of his argument: in certain cases, the
absence or arbitrariness of his evidentiary basis left me sceptical to his
overall conclusions. </div>
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The understanding of the affect in
Massumi is linked to another key term in his research: the virtual. Massumi
understands affect as </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 21.25pt; text-indent: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 21.25pt; text-indent: 0cm;">
<span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 150%;">the simultaneous participation of the
virtual in the actual and the actual in the virtual, as one arises from and
returns to the other. Affect is this two-sideness as seen from the side of the
actual thing, as couched in its perceptions and cognitions (p. 96).</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0cm;">
The virtual, in
turn, is linked to the human perception of external stimuli. To introduce the
concept of the virtual, Massum addresses a research which examined children’s
reception of and reactions to three versions of one film. Following the authors
of the original research who tried to understand and interpret the difference
between the reception of three versions of the film, Massumi argues that the
human reception of images (that is, external stimuli) occurs on at least two
levels: that of form/content, and that of intensity/effect. The form/content
level is linked with the signifying order; consequently, people are capable of
making sense of their perceptions on this level by narrativizing their
experience. In contrast, a perception on the level of intensity/effect is,
according to Massumi, “a nonconscious, never-to-conscious autonomic remainder”
of bodily reactions to external stimuli (p. 85). It is disconnected from any
possibility to being translated into a narrative: in Massumi’s gloss it is
“narratively de-localized” (ibid.). The relationship between the form/content
and intensity/effect level is that of the modified and modifier, in which the
latter remains invisible; it is only through traces that intensity/effect
leaves on the form/content level that we can feel its presence. Intensity does
not produce meanings, but is capable of changing them: “[i]t is a state of suspense,
potentially of disruption” (p. 86), which disappears at the very moment we
attempt to locate and describe it, but modifies the narratives we produce. </div>
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Massumi equates
intensity with affect, which allows for a radical differentiation between it
and emotion. While for him emotions are personal and belong to the domain of
the self, the affect is an extra- or intersubjective phenomenon. In lay terms,
a person can be emotional, but a thing cannot; at the same time a thing can be
affective (a rocket, an iPad, or a Chinese silk scarf), but a person cannot
unless she/he is objectified (the most extreme form being – visually – an image
or – materially – remains, such as Yorick’s skull). The affect lures in the
intersubjective space created by encounters between people and things; it is
hardly surprising then that Massumi finds the affect’s place of residence in
things: </div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 21.3pt; text-indent: 0cm;">
<span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Affects are virtual synaesthetic
perspectives anchored in (functionally limited by) the actually existing,
particular things that embody them… Actually existing, structured things live
in and through that which escapes them. Their autonomy is the autonomy of
affect (p. 96–97).</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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In contrast, an
emotion is the result of a conscious attempt at appropriating affect, a “consensual
point of insertion of intensity into semantically and semiotically formed
progressions, into narrativizable action-reaction circuits, into function and
meaning” (p. 88). Here, Massumi confronts Fredric Jameson’s definition of
postmodernism as “the waning of affect”: for Massumi, this definition is a
category mistake, a futile attempt to qualify the unqualifiable. Moreover, it
is politically dangerous, since the affect “is not ownable or recognizable, and
is thus resistant to critique” (Ibid.), a theme he more thoroughly addresses in
the second part of his article. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 21.3pt;">
This
understanding of the affect – coupled with a visible influence of Deleuze in
Massumi – makes him occupy quite a radical anti-humanist stance in his writing.
Massumi suggests that, in order to produce accurate descriptions and
interpretations of social processes which would account for the structural and
structuring roles of the affect, scholars should radically abandon their
anthropocentric understanding of social reality: </div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 21.3pt; text-indent: 0cm;">
<span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Theoretical moves aimed at ending the
Human end up making human culture the measure and meaning of all things, in a
kind of unfettered anthropomorphism precluding to take one example-articulations
of cultural theory and ecology (p. 100).</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0cm;">
The agenda of
Massumi thus resonates with “New Materialisms” of such scholars as Diana Coole,
Samantha Frost or Jane Bennett – the latter, like Massumi, also deeply
influenced by Deleuze’s understanding of social reality as a complex assemblage
which includes human and non-human agencies. For Massumi, the very possibility
of things to generate the affect, to overwhelm the rationality of human
consciousness, to shape human bodies and minds is the key to conceptualizing
the complexity of social process which various logocentric theories of
subjectivity and ideology – e.g., Jacques Lacan, Mikhail Bakhtin or Michel
Foucault – cannot account for (on p. 100 Massumi directly engages Lacan). </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 21.3pt;">
While Massumi’s
argument that the affect has an intersubjective nature is rhetorically
convincing, we have to take many of his claims for granted, as he often
neglects to provide an evidentiary basis for his argument. The claim that the
affect resides in objects is particularly fragile if we examine the difference
in reactions to the same object among different cultures (the scale model of
Yuri Gagarin’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Vostok </i>spacecraft
during the class). The same object caused a different affective response in the
classroom – a phenomenon which is much better explained by Sara Ahmed’s notion
of affective economies. Ahmed argues that “feelings do not reside in subjects
or objects, but are produced as effects of circulation” (Sara Ahmed, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Cultural Politics of Emotion</i> (Edinburgh
University Press, 2004), 8). From this perspective, affective objects are the
ones which were interpellated into the social being by emotions (Ahmed’s
vocabulary is apparently different from Massumi’s), rather than immanently
hosting affects as Massumi has it. The principle difference is in the cultural
relativism: Ahmed’s conceptual framework accounts for it, while Massumi’s does
not. The explanation lies, probably, in the fact that Massumi is more
interested in an individual’s encounter with the affect, which leads him to
prioritize psychological (that is, universal) aspects of this encounter over
cultural (that is, relativist). This is particularly evident in his discussion
of “the missing half-second.”</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 21.3pt;">
In his
discussion of the missing half-second, Massumi examines a psychological
research which established that there is a time delay between the perception of
an external stimulus and a conscious response. His interpretation of this delay
is that during this half-second, an individual is overcome with the affect: </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 21.3pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 21.3pt; text-indent: 0cm;">
<span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 150%;">The half-second is missed not because
it is empty, but because it is overfull, in excess of the actually performed
action and of its ascribed meaning. Will and consciousness are subtractive.
They are limitative, derived functions which reduce a complexity too rich to be
functionally expressed (p. 90).</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0cm;">
The consciousness,
according to Massumi, is incapable of making sense of the body’s affective
response to external stimuli. This incapability to rationally deal with the
affect becomes a political resource in the post-modern era. In Massumi’s own
words, “Affect holds a key to rethinking postmodern power after ideology” (p.
104). Massumi is, in particular, interested in the phenomenon of Ronald Reagan
who, in his opinion, exemplified the post-modern use of affect in the
production of power relations: </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 21.3pt; text-indent: 0cm;">
<span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Reagan operationalized the virtual in
postmodern politics. Alone, he was nothing approaching an ideologue. He was
nothing, an idiocy musically coupled with an incoherence (p. 102).</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 21.3pt;">
For Massumi,
Reagan’s performance in the political arena was post-ideological (or
non-ideological) – a claim that few historians would agree on. While Massumi
records the linkage between the affect and power, his interpretation of this
linkage is the least convincing part of the article. His claim that “[i]t was
on the receiving end that the Reagan incipience was qualified, given content”
is hardly something new after Roman Jacobson’s theory of communication<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3822536829638217315#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span></span></span></a>
and Roland Barthes’s argument about the death of the author.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3822536829638217315#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[3]</span></span></span></span></a>
In addition, from a historical perspective, Reagan was neither unique, nor
inherently conservative (as Massumi frames it) phenomenon: Lenin, Trotsky or
Hitler, to mention just a few, used a presumably similar affective model of
communication with their audiences. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 21.3pt;">
Massumi’s
article is an extremely interesting take on the affect theory. It does give me
new ways of thinking about the affect. His insistence that the affect can be
studied only symptomatically, by examining the traces it leaves in narratives
and meanings is particularly appealing. At the same time, from my (biased)
disciplinary perspective the universal and speculative character of his
approach is a major obstacle in using it for a history research. Unlike the
theories of affect which treat it as a social phenomenon, examine social dimensions
of the affect and differentiate between different affects, Massumi’s approach
to the affect does not give me methodological or conceptual tools to deal with the
affect as a historical phenomenon. </div>
<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;">
<br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-indent: 0cm;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3822536829638217315#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span></span></span></a>
For comparison, Sara Ahmed’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Cultural
Politics of Emotion </i>that I personally find more convincing from the
analytical, logical and empirical perspective, has 2197 citations according to
the Google Scholar. </div>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-indent: 0cm;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3822536829638217315#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span></span></span></a>
Roman Jakobson, “Closing statement: Linguistics and poetics,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Style in language</i>, no. 350 (1960): 350–377.</div>
</div>
<div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText" style="text-indent: 0cm;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3822536829638217315#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[3]</span></span></span></span></a>
Roland Barthes, “The death of the author,” in <span class="st"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Image, Music, Tex</i></span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">t</i> (London: Fontana, 1977), 142–148.</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-20779914033042740822015-03-07T15:10:00.000-08:002015-03-07T15:10:02.560-08:00The Cherry Orchard, a Russian Encyclopedia of Alienation<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 0cm;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">The
Cherry Orchard, a Russian Encyclopedia of Alienation</b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0cm;">
Writing at the turn of the twentieth
century, when the Russian cultural milieu was replete with Marxist ideas, Anton
Chekhov stayed surprisingly aside from any visible influence of Marxism. The
only Marx he dealt with in life was his publisher Adolf Marx, and his own
circle included mainly liberal (Alexander Kuprin), liberal-conservative (Ivan
Bunin, the future 1933 Nobel Prize laureate in literature) and
ultra-conservative (Leo Tolstoy) intellectuals, but strikingly few Marxists (one
of them was Maxim Gorky, the future “father” of socialist realism). Yet after
the Bolshevik Revolution, Chekhov’s works – unlike, for example, those of Bunin
or Dostoyevsky – were immediately incorporated into the canon of Soviet
literature. Lenin, in particular, admired Chekhov’s works and often quoted him,
as also did Anatoly Lunacharsky, the Soviet Commissar of Enlightenment from
October 1917 to 1929. What made Chekhov’s ouvre so appealing to the Bolsheviks?
One of Lunacharsky’s articles on Chekhov can provide an answer: </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 21.3pt; text-indent: 0cm;">
<span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Chekhov… was perfectly aware that he
expresses a certain public opinion, felt himself – through his eyes, through
his pen – tightly connected with his times, and in this sense was a social man…
He takes social ulcers from his own soul and amazingly beautifully and
truthfully depicts them, and he is harmonious and marvellous in his
truthfulness.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3822536829638217315#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span></span></span></a> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 36.0pt; text-indent: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 21.3pt;">
What
Lunacharsky, a Marxist, appreciates in Chekhov is the latter’s ability to
express social conflict stemming from the fact that one’s selfhood is an
expression of particular material and social relations. In other words, Bolshevik
ideologists recognized Chekhov’s method as innately Marxist, while his mastery
of style made his social criticism more subtle and persuasive than most works
of openly Marxist writers. In this response, I argue that alienation – one of
the key concepts of Marxism – occupies a prominent place in Chekhov’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Cherry Orchard</i>, to the degree that
it can be dubbed an encyclopedia of alienation in late imperial Russia. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 21.3pt;">
Alienation is, in
fact, a major force driving plotlines of many of Anton Chekhov’s works.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>One of his most famous short stories entitled
“Man in a Shell” is a narrative of a Belikov who spent his whole life trying “to
withdraw into a shell like a hermit crab;” a whole life’s effort of
misrecognition of one’s self as derivative of social relations he is trying to
escape. Of course, the moment he achieves this ideal is the moment of death;
and, in a gesture of authorial irony, it is the only time Chekhov shows Belikov
as feeling positive emotions:</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 21.3pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 21.3pt; text-indent: 0cm;">
<span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Now when he was lying in his coffin
his expression was mild, pleasant, even cheerful, as though he were glad that
he had at last been put into a case that he would never leave again. Yes he had
attained his ideal!</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 21.3pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 21.3pt;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Cherry Orchard </i>deals with more
diverse, subtle and scary aspects of alienation. Its characters perform a whole
range of forms of misrecognition, disrespect, and humiliation of others and,
more importantly, of themselves. Ranevskaya and her family, Gaev, Varya and
Anya, are confronted with the highest stakes: the loss of their high social
positions which they take for granted by the right of inheritance. This loss is
symbolized and materialized in the looming and, in Act 3, finally occuring sale
of their estate with its cherry orchard. For Ranevskaya, the separation from the
cherry orchard is a separation from her past: “My dead, my gentle, beautiful
orchard! My life, my youth, my happiness, good-bye!” (Act 4) In fact, as a
long-term resident of France, who had fled there to forget about the loss of
her husband and son, Ranevskaya is already alienated from her past and from the
social relations that created her as a noble woman of late imperial Russia. Yet
the very materiality of the orchard, its ability to produce “material limits,
presuppositions and conditions independent of [people’s] will”<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3822536829638217315#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span></span></span></a>
recreates these social relations of her past once she is back to her estate.
Her past is not gone as long as this material artefact exists, which is emphasized
in the character of her old servant Fiers. Fiers, who epitomizes the past
social relations between “the peasants” and “the masters” of the
pre-Emancipation era, is derivative of the estate, orchard and social relations
provoked by them to such a degree that at the very end of the play he is
physically unable to separate himself from the orchard. In the last flash of
consciousness he recognizes this inseparability of his life from the life of
the (now doomed) orchard: “Life's gone on as if I'd never lived” (Act 4). </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 21.3pt;">
Alienation, a
loss of a part of oneself, invites empathy on behalf of the audience, but
Chekhov manipulates the play’s dialogue in such a way that Ranevskaya and her
family never obtain the monopoly on the audience’s attention. In the course of
the play we learn – in a language which at times is surprisingly close to
Marxist – that the cherry orchard is more than simply an object of natural
landscape. It is a social phenomenon, and as such is itself the product of
alienated labor of serfs belonging to Ranevskaya’s family. The key episode is
Trofimov’s monologue beginning with “All Russia is our orchard” (Act 2), in
which he brings anthropomorphic metaphors to convince Anya that the orchard is
anything but an aesthetic object: </div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 21.3pt; text-indent: 0cm;">
<span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 150%;">Think, Anya, your grandfather, your
great-grandfather, and all your ancestors were serf-owners, they owned living
souls; and now, doesn't something human look at you from every cherry in the
orchard, every leaf and every stalk? Don't you hear voices . . . ? Oh, it's
awful, your orchard is terrible; and when in the evening or at night you walk
through the orchard, then the old bark on the trees sheds a dim light and the
old cherry-trees seem to be dreaming of all that was a hundred, two hundred
years ago, and are oppressed by their heavy visions.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 21.3pt; text-indent: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 21.3pt;">
Trofimov
experiences (or at least claims to experience) a reaction of disgust to the
understanding of the social complexity of the cherry orchard (“it’s awful, your
orchard is terrible”).<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3822536829638217315#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[3]</span></span></span></span></a>
Silvan Tomkins’s affect theory suggests why it might happen: disgust, if not
felt orally, can be a reaction to an object perceived, in fact, as attractive:
“disgust may be aroused by a very attractive sex object, if there is both a
strong wish for and fear of sexual contact” (“Contempt–Disgust for Objects
Which Are Not Taken into the Mouth,” Vol. 2, p. 357). Trofimov feels disgust
because the orchard is so appealing, and its appeal stands on the way to what
he claims is a better future: “For it's so clear that in order to begin to live
in the present we must first redeem the past.” </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 21.3pt;">
As with
Ranevskaya, Chekhov manipulates the dialogue in such a way that the audience
would not feel empathy for Trofimov (his dialogue with Ranevskaya in Act 3).
Yet the complex social nature of the cherry orchard is revealed through another
principle character, the merchant Lopakhin. In the very beginning of the play
we learn of his complex relationship with the Ranevsky [sic] family: </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 21.3pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-left: 21.3pt; text-indent: 0cm;">
<span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 150%;">My father was the serf of your
grandfather and your own father, but you--you more than anybody else--did so
much for me once upon a time that I've forgotten everything and love you as if
you belonged to my family . . . and even more.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 21.3pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 21.3pt;">
The cherry orchard is, in other words,
actually the creation of the Lopakhins; its current ownership by Ranevskaya is made
possible only by the specific social relationship between the masters and the
serfs in the pre-Emancipation Russia in which the former had a full possession
of the latters’ products of labor. These relations of exploitation were
culturally disguised in the language of parents’ (masters’) care about children
(serfs), not unlike that of the American slavery.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3822536829638217315#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[4]</span></span></span></span></a>
When Lopakhin addresses Ranevskaya as part of his family, “or even more,” he
reproduces this dominant language. When he persistently tries to convince her
to keep her estate by leasing off land for villas, and even promises to “raise
a loan of 50,000 roubles at once,” so that “your cherry orchard will be happy,
rich, splendid,” Lopakhin works against his commercial interests, but also against
his social interests by maintaining the old, rooted in the pre-Emancipation era
system of socio-economic relations of inequality. In the language of Marx and
Engels’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Theses on Feuerbach</i>, the cherry
orchard prevents him from discovering that “the secret of the holy family” (his
current relationship with Ranevskaya) lies in structures of exploitation of
“the earthly family” (the inequality of power which they both inherited from
their parents); the orchard thus is an obstacle to “<span style="line-height: 150%; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">criticize in
theory and revolutionize in practice” this relationship.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3822536829638217315#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[5]</span></span></span></span></a>
Lopakhin misrecognizes these structures of inequality as obligation, and </span>Varya
exploits this misrecognition by trying – quite openly – to marry herself off to
Lopakhin. Lopakhin’s open expression of triumph in Act 3 might seem like a
drastic contrast with his gentle and caring behaviour in Acts 1 and 2, but his
purchase of Ranevskaya’s estate opens the road to the elimination of the
orchard, this reified inequality. Until the orchard is cut down, its magic is
still around: in Act 4, Lopakhin temporarily cedes to Ranevskaya’s suggestion
that he propose to Varya. His comment “I don't feel as if I could ever propose
to her without you” suggests that his affection for Varya stems from the same
power relationship that is the source of his feeling of obligation to
Ranevskaya. Yet “[a]xes cutting the trees are heard in the distance,” and the
proposal never takes place.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3822536829638217315#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[6]</span></span></span></span></a>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 21.3pt;">
The feeling of
alienation in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Cherry Orchard </i>is
additionally reinforced on the level of its composition: everybody is talking,
but nobody is listening:</div>
<div style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 21.3pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%;">LUBOV. And Varya is just as she used to be, just like a nun.
And I knew Dunyasha. [<i>Kisses her.</i>]</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 21.3pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%;">GAEV. The train was two hours late. There now; how's that for
punctuality?</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 21.3pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 0cm;">
<span style="font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%;">CHARLOTTA. My dog eats nuts too.</span></div>
<div style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin: 0cm;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0cm;">
In the absence of
human contact, things come to replace people as objects of affection. In the
episode in which Lopakhin offers a realistic and pragmatic way out of the
bankruptcy, Ranevskaya instead kisses cupboard and speaks to her table, and
Gaev, having replied in two phrases, addresses a 100-year old cupboard with a
lengthier and kinder speech than anything he ever tells to Lopakhin or anybody
else in the house (“My dear and honoured case!..”). <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Cherry Orchard</i> might be interpreted as a melancholic play in
the sense that the dominant feeling of its protagonists is the feeling of loss,
which they – successfully or not – are trying to conceal or cope with. Yet
their kaleidoscope on the scene represents too fast a change of faces and
voices and does not give us, their audience, enough time to develop empathy
with any of them. We<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> </i>just have no
time to develop melancholy. Raymond Williams suggested, as an interpretation of
this method, that Chekhov wrote “about a generation whose whole energy is
consumed in the very process of becoming conscious of their own inadequacy and
impotence… Virtually everyone wants change; virtually no-one believes it is
possible.”<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3822536829638217315#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[7]</span></span></span></span></a>
In so saying, Williams loses the perspective of the social conflict that was
ripping late imperial Russian society apart – something that the Bolsheviks, who
appreciated Chekhov’s works for his skill to reveal this conflict, knew too
well. More importantly, Williams also seems too preoccupied with the analysis
of the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">textual </i>aspect of Chekhov’s
plays. Yet the very end of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Cherry
Orchard </i>suggests something very different than social “inadequacy and
impotence.” As spectators of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Cherry
Orchard</i>, in its final scene we<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> </i>are
literally left without characters. Everybody is gone with the exception of
Fiers who has become an unalienable part of the estate; and Fiers is dying or
already dead. The main character of the play – the cherry orchard, which like
Edgar Poe’s purloined letter, has animated the entire sequence of events,
conflicts and interactions in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Cherry
Orchard</i>, is gone, too. With it (and with Fiers) are gone social structures
and relations of pre-Emancipation Russia. A more radical change is hard to
imagine. </div>
<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;">
<br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3822536829638217315#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[1]</span></span></span></span></a> A. V. Lunacharsky, “What
can A. P. Chekhov be for us?” originally published in: <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Pechat’ i revolutsiia</i>, 4 (1924): 19–34, quoted from <a href="http://lunacharsky.newgod.su/lib/ss-tom-1/cem-mozet-byt-a-p-cehov-dla-nas">http://lunacharsky.newgod.su/lib/ss-tom-1/cem-mozet-byt-a-p-cehov-dla-nas</a>.
</div>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3822536829638217315#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[2]</span></span></span></span></a> Karl Marx and Friedrich
Engels, A Critique of the German Ideology, Part I, <a href="http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/german-ideology/">http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1845/german-ideology/</a>.
</div>
</div>
<div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3822536829638217315#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[3]</span></span></span></span></a> This particular phrase is a
result of censorship: the original one read as an open political statement, and
Chekhov had to remove it (in the Russian editions it was restored after 1917):
"To own human beings has affected every one of you--those who lived before
and those who live now. Your mother, your uncle, and you don't notice that you
are living off the labours of others--in fact, the very people you won't even
let in the front door."</div>
</div>
<div id="ftn4" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3822536829638217315#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[4]</span></span></span></span></a> “The essence of slave-owner
paternalism was to treat slaves as children who needed constant guidance
because they could not manage on their own. Pomeshchiki [Russian nobles], too,
often spoke of their serfs as children..” <span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Peter
Kolchin, <i>Unfree Labor: American Slavery and Russian Serfdom</i> (Harvard
University Press, 2009), 156.</span> Fiers has a lot of parallels
with similar characters of loyal slaves who stayed with their parents after the
Emancipation, such as Mammy from Margaret Mitchell’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Gone with the Wind. </i></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn5" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3822536829638217315#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[5]</span></span></span></span></a> Thesis IV, <a href="http://www.marx2mao.com/M&E/TF45.html"><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">http://www.marx2mao.com/M&E/TF45.html</span></a><span style="color: blue; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">. </span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn6" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3822536829638217315#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[6]</span></span></span></span></a> Historically, Russian
merchants typically sought marriages within their own rank to consolidate
capitals. </div>
</div>
<div id="ftn7" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3822536829638217315#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7;" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">[7]</span></span></span></span></a> Raymond Williams, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Drama From Ibsen To Brecht</i> (The Hogarth
Press, 1993), 106–107.</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-87821336278952917752014-01-19T08:49:00.001-08:002014-01-19T08:49:12.761-08:00Jonathan Crary. Techniques of the observer<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA;">Jonathan Crary. Techniques of the observer.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA;">Crary studies “historical construction of vision” – more exactly, “reconfiguration
of relations between an observing subject and modes of representation” (p. 1). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA;">He speaks of the modern (or post-modern) subject: subjectivity as “a
precarious condition of interface between rationalized systems of exchange and
networks of information” (p. 2). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA;">There was “a massive reorganization of knowledge and social practices
that modified in myriad ways the productive, cognitive, and desiring capacities
of the human subject” (p. 3). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA;">“An observer is… the one who sees within a prescribed set of
possibilities, one who is embedded in a system of conventions and limitations.”
An observer is a product of specific historical conditions and therefore exists
“only as an <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">effect</i> of an irreducibly
heterogenous system of discursive, social, technological, and institutional relations”
(p. 6).</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA;">Crary makes a statement, referring to Foucault, that “to historicize a
subject” is an impossible, artificial and implicitly wrong agenda from the very
beginning. Instead, what is possible is to describe the positions of the subject,
the ways in which the subject is called into life – those zones and regimes
that are prescribed for the subject to emerge and exist. The quote is to
Foucault: “I don’t believe the problem can be solved by historicizing the
subject as posited by the phenomenologists, fabricating a subject that evolves
through the course of history. One has to dispense with the constituent
subject, to get rid of the subject itself, that’s to say, to arrive at an
analysis which can account for the constitution of the subject within a
historical framework And this is what I would call genealogy, that is, a form
of history which can account for the constitution of knowledges, discourses,
domians of objects, etc., without having to make reference to a subject which
is either transcendental in relation to a field of events or runs in its empty
sameness throughout the course of history.” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Power/Knowledge
</i>(New York, 1980), p. 117.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA;">“[W]hat determines vision at any given historical moment is not some
deep structure, economic base, or world view, but rather the functioning of a
collective assemblage of disparate parts on single social surface. It may even
be necessary to consider the observer as a distribution of events located in many
different places” (p. 6). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA;">Crary then says that “an observer of the nineteenth century” is an
abstraction that cannot be “located empirically”. “What I want to do, however,
is suggest some of the conditions and forces that defined or allowed the
formation of a dominant model of what an observer was in the nineteenth century”
(p. 7). So, Crary aims to describe “a sweeping transformation in the way in
which an observer was figured in a wide range of social practices and domains
of knowledge” (p. 7). He is in particular interested in optical devises that
acted as “sites of both knowledge and power” (p. 7). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA;">“Foucault’s opposition of surveillance and spectacle seems to overlook
how the effects of these two regimes of power can coincide. Using Bentham’s
panopticon as a primary theoretical object, Foucault relentlessly emphasizes
the ways in which human subjects became objects of observation, in the form of
institutional control or scientific and behavioral study; but he neglects the
new forms by which vision itself became a kind of discipline or mode of work”
(p. 18). </span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA;">In conclusion, Crary argues that the shift was from a model of a “free”,
private an individualized subject of the camera obscura to the knowledge that
vision belongs to the field of illusion, rather than a “real world”. This becomes
a precondition for the emergence of photography, cinema and, finally, computer
graphics, in which “”visual images no longer have any reference to the position
of an observer in a ‘real,’ optically perceived world” (p. 2). So, in the early
nineteenth century, “[a] more adaptable, autonomous, and productive observer
was needed in both discourse and practice – to conform to new functions of the
body and to a vast proliferation of indifferent and convertible signs and
images. Modernization effected a deterritorialization and a revaluation of
vision” (p. 149). </span></div>
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Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-30995360735748900122013-11-29T15:48:00.000-08:002013-11-29T15:48:06.138-08:00Ruth Oldenziel. Making Technology Masculine: Men, Women, and Modern Machines in America, 1870-1945<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Ruth Oldenziel. Making Technology Masculine: Men, Women, and Modern Machines in America, 1870-1945. (Amsterdam/Ann Arbor: Amsterdam University Press/Chicago University Press, 1999).<br />
<br />
The book studies the historical shaping of the modern technological world as male through positions of social inclusion and exclusion. Definition of the male (in the US) as having control over the technological world, but also through exclusion and silencing of women. <br />
<br />
p. 10: "The public association between technological and manliness grew when male middle-class attention increasingly focused its gaze on the muscular bodies of working-class men and valorized middle-class athletes, but disempowered the bodies of Native Americans, African Americans, and women." <br />
<br />
p. 11: "Engineers as... new models of white manliness". Mentions that if women appear in this domain, they are represented as belonging to some other domain: "our contemporary mythologies often produce women as goddesses whose lives are essentially off-stage, who appear to come from nowhere (p. 12) and whose plots are engineered elsewhere."<br />
<br />
p. 12: mentions engineers as a new social force that rapidly expanded in American society and became a driving force of its development.<br />
<br />
p. 26: "Well into the twentieth century, <i>inentive genius </i>was not necessarily understood to be machine-bound. Inventions included the entire gamut that ran from fabrics, language, arts, and mythology to mechanical devices." It was in the course of the 20th century that non-mechanistic interpretations of inventions were replaced with mechanistic ones.<br />
<br />
Starting on p. 100, gives an excellent analysis of how in autobiographies engineers appropriate the labour of the subordinates (workers). Typical for their narratives is "erasure of workers or.. self-conscious identificaion with command, control , and whiteness" (p. 102). <br />
<br />
p. 188: (speaking of the later half of the 20th century): "After a century-long contest over their meanings, patents and machinery occupied center stage and stood at the heart of sexual and racial differentiation and class distinctions. Engineers were cast as its sole bearers at the expense of workers, African-Americans, and women." </div>
Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-5482123481938412702013-11-19T00:29:00.000-08:002013-11-19T00:29:25.577-08:00AHR Conversation: The Historical Study of Emotions<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<![endif]--><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">Nicole Eustace et
al., “AHR Conversation: The Historical Study of Emotions,” <i>The American
Historical Review</i> 117, no. 5 (December 1, 2012): 1487–1531.</span> <br />
<br />
An interesting discussion of how to historicize emotions and incorporate them into historical narratives. The most useful thing is their debate of the change of affective regimes (they have several conceptions they play with, such as 'emotional communities', 'emotional habitus', etc.). <br />
<br />
A reference to William Reddy: "Emotional control is the realsite of the exercise of power". A very reasonable approach to history of emotions: "I can never know what William Byrd “really” felt (if indeed he himself did), but I can very usefully look for patterns in emotional expression and regulation that reveal much valuable information about social organization and political control." (1504)<br />
<br />
On p. 1505 - a very interesting statement that for the 18th century Europeans, the concept of 'personality' was strange, but the concept of 'disposition' was conventional - in this way, the language expressed a very different relationship between people's selves and emotions. " In fact, the eigh- teenth-century notion of “disposition” corresponds closely to the concept of the sub- ject position as articulated by Linda Alcoff. This concept combines in a single term the creation of self and the distribution of power, making it clear that each is in- extricably linked to the other. ".<br />
<br />
At some point, start discuss really interesting things: that emotional change in history does not follow societal or political changes (a functionalist view), but rather accompanies them in a dialectical way (1515-1516).<br />
<br />
Speaking of emotions, they at some point mention "the primacy of aesthetics and form" in those spheres of social/cultural life that are shaped/interpellated by affects.<br />
<br />
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Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-72571112478114008302013-05-28T22:07:00.001-07:002013-05-28T22:07:51.896-07:00Mitchell, W. J. T. What Do Pictures Want? The Lives and Loves of Images<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<em>Mitchell, W. J. T. What Do Pictures Want? The Lives and
Loves of Images</em><span class="st">. Chicago and London: The University of
Chicago Press, 2005.</span></div>
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“The book as a whole, then, is about pictures, understood as
complex assemblages of virtual, material, and symbolic elements.” (p. xiii) The
world, at least according to Heidegger, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">has
become </i>a picture. In the contemporary world dominated by representations,
pictures are “ways of worldmaking, not just world mirroring.” (xv) “A picture,
then, is a very peculiar and paradoxical creature, bot concrete and abstract,
bot a specific individual ting and a symbolic form that embraces a totality.”
(xvii)</div>
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<br /></div>
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So, Mitchell discusses pictures as “vital,” as possessing
“the agency, motivation, autonomy, aura, fecundity, or other symptoms.” (6) And
it is humans that make pictures vital and drive them “by desires and
appetites.” (6) Therefore, his analysis is anthropological in the sense that it
doesn’t move beyond pictures into those presumable forces that drive them. </div>
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<br /></div>
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Here’s a good point: Mitchell explains why he discusses
images through the concept of desire: “The question of desire is ideally suited
for this inquiry... To ask, what do pictures want? Is not just to attribute to
them life and power and desire, but also to raise the question of what it is
they <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">lack</i>, what they do not possess,
what cannot be attributed to them. To say, in other words, that pictures ‘want’
lie or power does not necessarily imply that they <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">have </i>life or power, or even that they are capable of wishing for
it.” (p. 10) </div>
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<br /></div>
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“What do the images want rom us? Where are they leading us?
What is it that they <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">lack</i>, that they
are inviting us to fill in? What desires have we projected onto them, and what
form do those desires take as they are projected back at us, making demands
upon us, seducing us to feel and act in specific ways?” (p. 25) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As Mitchell argues, perhaps, images are “weaker”
than they seem, “that is why I shift the question from what pictures <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">do </i>to what they <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">want</i>, from power to desire, from the model of the dominant power to
be opposed, to the model of the subaltern to be interrogated or (better) to be
invited to speak.” (p. 33) His answer is that “above all they [pictures] would
want a kind of mastery over the beholder... The paintings’ desire, in short, is
to change places with the beholder, to transfix or paralyze the beholder,
turning him or her into an image for the gaze of the picture... The power they
want is manifested as <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">lack</i>, not as
possession.” (p. 36) </div>
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<br /></div>
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Mitchell differentiates between two types of desire: “we
might contrast these two pictures of desire (psychological and ontological, or
Freudian-Lacanian and Blakean-Deleuzian) as based respectively on lack and
plenitude, in the longing for an object and the possession that surpasses any
object. <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Desire as longing produces
fantasies</b>, evanescent specular images that continually tease and elude the
beholder; desire as possession produces (or is produced by) Deleuzian
“assemblages.” (p. 66) </div>
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<br /></div>
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“Images both "express" desires that we already
have, and teach us how to desire in the first place.” (p. 68) “The picture
wants to hold, to arrest, to mummify an image in silence and slow time.” (p.
72) – on the difference between an image and a picture: “the picture as a concretely
embodied object or assemblage and the image as a disembodied motif, a phantom
that circulates from one picture to another and across media.” (ibid) </div>
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<br /></div>
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An idea of scopic drive – from Lacan – as imagery forcing
people to do something. (p. 80) “Their [pictures’] main function is to awaken
desire; to create, not gratify thirst; to provoke a sense of lack and craving
by giving us the apparent presence of something and taking it away in the same
gesture.” (p. 80) </div>
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<br /></div>
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“Images are active players in the game of establishing and
changing values. They are capable of introducing new values into the world and
thus of threatening old ones. For better and for worse, human beings establish
their collective, historical identity by creating around them a second nature composed
of images which do not merely reflect the values consciously intended by their
makers, but <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">radiate new forms of value
formed in the collective, political unconscious of their beholders</b>.” (105) </div>
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<br /></div>
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In the second part of his book, Mitchell explores his thesis
that “images are embodies in material objects, in things...” (p. 108) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Desire is related to the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">sought </i>object: “the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">sought </i>object,
the desired object, the sublime or beautiful object, the valued object, the
aesthetic object, the produced, consumed, or exchanged object, the given or
taken object, the symbolic object, the feared or hated object, the good or bad
object, the lost or vanishing object.” (p. 116) </div>
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<br /></div>
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Discusses iconoclasm as an important symptom in
understanding cultures and societies, for by rejecting images people reveal and
negotiate certain structures of meanings, otherwise hidden from observation (p.
126ff). “When images offend us, we still take revenge by offending them in
turn.” (128) In chapter 6, Mitchell discusses in detail “offending images”
(swastika, images perceived as anti-religious, etc.). Raises an interesting
issue that a fear of imitation is reflected (and reinforce) through the
biblical story of the human creation – what could be implications for the
soviet story? An example of Offi’s Madonna as an image and a picture which are
not perceived as “just” an image and a picture. </div>
</div>
Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-91769854678962355352013-05-09T22:03:00.002-07:002013-05-09T22:03:10.978-07:00Bill Brown, Things<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Bill Brown (ed.): Things</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Brown in his contribution refers to four interesting points:</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 36.0pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">(a)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span>(new
scholarship should address the question of) how inanimate objects constitute
human subjects, how they move them, how they threaten them, how they facilitate
or threaten their relation to other subjects (p. 7). He later refers to
Benjamin to argue that “subjects may constitute objects, but within Benjamin’s
materialism things have already installed themselves in the human psyche.” (11)
– refers to “Dream Kitsch” and “Several Points on Folk Art.”</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 36.0pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">(b)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span>Thingness
of things discloses the othering of people (p. 12) – referring to Bruno Latour,
who also “forcefully and repeatedly insisted that ‘things do not exist without
being full of people’ and that considering humans necessarily involves the consideration
of things. The subject/object dialectic itself (with which he simply has no
truck) has obscured patterns of circulation, transference, translation, and
displacement.” (p.12) “Latour has argued that modernity artificially made an
ontological distinction between inanimate objects and human subjects, whereas
in fact the world is full of ‘quasi-object’ and ‘quasi-subject’, terms he
borrows from Michel Serres.” (p. 12) – refers to two works by Latour: “The
Berlin Key or How to Do Words with Things,” in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Matter, Materiality and Modern Culture</i>, ed. P. M. Graves-Brown
(London, 2000) and <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">We Have Never Been
Modern</i>. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 36.0pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">(c)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span>Refers
to Simmel: “Simmel’s earlier account of the gap between the ‘culture of thigns’
and modernity’s human subject” and “his insistence that the subject’s desire,
and not productive labor, is the source of an object’s value” (p. 13) – refers to
Simmel, “The Future of Our Culture” in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Simmel
on Culture</i> (London, 1997). Also mentions that Lukacs, Bloch, Benjamin and
Krakauer complicated Simmel’s analysis. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 36.0pt; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18.0pt;">
<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">(d)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span>“Inanimate
objects organize the temporality of the animate world.” (15) – refers to W. J.
T. Mitchell’s contribution in this volume who explored how the discovery of a
new kind of object in the 18<sup>th</sup> century, the fossil, enablied
romanticism to recognize and to refigure its relation to the mortal limits of
the natural world.</div>
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<br /></div>
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">W. J. T. Mitchell in “Romanticism and the Life
of Things” explores how material things changed human perception of history.
Refers to Foucault’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Order of Things </i>which
explored “the historicity of things.” </span></div>
Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-44200736519769667042013-05-09T22:02:00.002-07:002013-05-09T22:02:27.247-07:00Georg Simmel, A Chapter in the Philosophy of Value<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Georg Simmel, “A Chapter in the Philosophy of Value,” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">American Journal of Sociology</i>, Vol. 5,
No. 5 (Mar., 1900), pp. 577-603</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
p. 577: “The practically effective value is conferred upon
the object, not merely by its own desirability, but by the desirability of
another object... Not merely the relationship to the receptive subjects
characterizes this value, but also the fact that it arrives at this
relationship only at the price of a sacrifice.” </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
p. 578: “Desire and the feeling of the agent stand, to be
sure, as the motor energy behind all this, but from this in and of itself this
value form could not proceed. It rather comes only from the reciprocal
counterbalancing of the objects.” – that is, for Simmel objects acquire value,
first, because they are desired and, second, because they exist in ‘assemblages’.
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Simmel actually speaks of ‘assemblages’ – in his theory, the
exchange value appears only as part of a complex system in which people and
things are intrinsically interrelated. (581-583) While he gives certain
precedence to people’s desires (speaking of enjoyment and sacrifice as the two
driving forces of any economy), exchange value, the basis of economy, does not
appear without an object. There is economy even in the cases when “primitive
economic people” are not involved in the trade among each other: “the party
with whom he contracts is not a sec- ond sentient being, but the natural order
and regularity of things, which no more satisfy our desires without a sacrifice
on our part than would another person.” (582) </div>
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p. 588: “The economic form of the value stands between two
boundaries: on the one hand, the desire for the object, which attaches itself
to the anticipated feeling of satisfaction from its possession and enjoyment;
on the other hand, to this enjoyment itself, which, exactly considered, is not
an economic act.” </div>
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p. 589: Argues that desire becomes an important economic
(and arguably cultural) phenomenon only because satisfaction of desire cannot
be immediate and should undergo struggle and diminution. – curiously, this is
why Soviet people remember so well everything they had to buy. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
p. 590: “Kant once summarized his Theory of Knowledge in the
proposition: "The conditions of experience are at the same time the conditions
of the objects of experience." By this he meant that the process which we
call experience and the conceptions which constitute its contents or objects
are subject to the selfsame laws of the reason. <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">The objects can come into our experience, that is, be experienced by
us, because they are conceptions in us; and the same energy which makes and
defines the experience has also manifested itself in the structure of the
objects</b>.”</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
p. 593: why it is important that things are engaged in
economic systems/networks: “The mere desire for an object does not lead to this
valuation, since it finds in itself alone no measure. Only the comparison of
desires, that is, the exchangeability of their objects, fixes each of the same
as a value defined in accordance with its scale, that is, an economic value.” </div>
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The fact that any particular object is desired is the
driving force of its economic value, but the desire and economic value do not
engage into a direct cause-and-effect relationship: there is a whole chain of
intermediaries (the system of economy) between them (p. 594): “It is always the
relation of the desires to each other, realized in exchange, which makes their
objects economic values.” (599) </div>
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Simmel ends by discussing the role of scarcity in the
establishment of value – might be very relevant for the role of commodities in
late Soviet history. Things are so valuable because they are so scarce. Since
they are scarce, their values increases – and the Soviet Union becomes a very
materialistic (but not in the Marxist meaning of this term) society. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></div>
</div>
Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-46744619181049483502013-03-07T14:03:00.001-08:002013-03-07T14:03:57.503-08:00Miller, Daniel (ed). Home Possessions. <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Miller, Daniel (ed). Home Possessions. Material Culture
behind Closed Doors. Oxford and New York: Berg Publishers, 2001. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
An attempt to overcome what Miller calls structuralist
theory of material culture embodied for him in Bourdieu’s writing. Suggests to
move “deeper,” into a micro-ethnological analysis of material culture. This
allows him to argue a structuralist argument is in many cases simplistic. While
there’s a widely shared assumption that people take care of their house in
order to ‘keep up with the Joneses’, actually “the home itself carried the
burden of the discrepancies between its actual state at a given time and a wide
range of aspirational ‘ideal homes’ that are generated out of much wider ideals
that a household might have for itself.” (7) This ethnographic study of
detailed strategies of home improvement lets home ‘speak’ for itself. Theories
of home improvement from a simple perspective that the home “expresses”
identities, relations, etc., are, thus, interpreted by Miller (quite correctly)
as simplistic. He moves further on to argue that it’s more productive to regard
the house as a dynamic process rather than a static backdrop,” that is, “the
actual movement of people, the tension between the change in the home itself
and the movement of the material culture.” (8) </div>
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So, against the grain of commonplace assumption in which the
home is regarded as an expressive genre, Miller moves to examine the home as
possessing<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>agency of its own. His own
contribution looks at how these ideas become identify in stories of haunted
houses. “Although we may seek to overthrow these, more often we develop a kind
of negotiated compromise between that which is expressed by the house and that
which we seek to express through the medium of the house.” (11)</div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Miller then moves to examine the relationship between the
home and reproduction of social relations. He emphasizes the important of
materiality of the home and material culture inside of it. Basically, the idea
is that rather than being simply a form for embodying social relations, the
home is “both a reflection of and a medium for the construction” of different
social relations (in that case, of marriage) (13). </div>
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<br /></div>
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Alison J. Clarke in “The Aesthetics of Social Aspiration” considers
“’home’ as a process, as opposed to an act of individual expressivity, in which
past and future trajectories (inseparable from external abstractions such as ‘class’)
are negotiated through fantasy and action, projection and interiorization.”
(25) Examines the role of “ideal homes” in home improvements: “’ideal homes’
are not just escapist fantasy spaces conjured up to deal with the limitations
of the materiality of ‘real’ homes, but rather are used as measures or as
proactive forces that intermittently meld with or mock the reality of lived
experience.” (27) How existing things acquire their own agency and are able to
shutter or at least modify dreams. In the end, “the ideal home, as used to
influence the construction of the actual home becomes an internalized vision of
what othe people might think of one Far from being a site of crude emulation,
the house itself <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">actually </i>becomes the
‘others’. The house objectifies the vision the occupants have of themselves in
the eyes of others and as such it becomes an entity and process to live up,
give time to, show off to.” (42) </div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Daniel Miller in his “Possessions” starts with addressing
English ghost stories as a myth, in Levi-Stross’s sense, which objectifies
social contradictions, only in this cast the social contradiction is not
between people and people, but between people and things, as “the ghost may be
said to be a partial anthropomorphism of the longer history of the house and of
housing relative to its present inhabitants.” (109) He then explores how the
house in which he lives haunts him, for “the house intimidates me [as] it
represents precisely an aesthetic ability that I might aspire to but cannot
achieve...” (110), while on the other hand the renovations that the previous
owner had made are totally dissatisfactory to Miller’s taste, yet he doesn’t
have time/finances to remake them. Miller then explores different ways in which
people establish one’s relationship to the temporality of things, including of
those that are much older than people are and can hope to be. His conclusion is
that while people tend to use their homes “as a means of agency and the
expression of social relations, my concern is to remind ourselves of the other
side to this coin that quite often we are not the agents that create the
material environment that becomes the medium of representation.” (112) </div>
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</div>
Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-41448225373616373582013-03-06T19:44:00.001-08:002013-03-06T19:44:27.235-08:00Žižek, Slavoj. The Sublime Object of Ideology<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Žižek, Slavoj.<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></b><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The
Sublime Object of Ideology</i>.<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> </b>London:
Verso, 2008.</span></div>
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<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Starts with reviving Althusser, whose teaching, as Žižek
argues, has been repressed in the intellectual circles, because (at least
partly) of “his insistence on the fact that a certain cleft, a certain fissure,
misrecognition characterizes the human condition as such.” (xxiv) Human culture
is made of “structural mechanism(s) which is (are) producing the effect of
subject as ideological misregcognition”; in other words, to become subject
means to misrecognize ideology (for oneself). “In this perspective, the subject
as such is constituted through a certain misrecognition: the process of
ideological interprellation through which the subject ‘recognizes’ itself as
the addressee in the calling up of the ideological cause implies necessarily a
certain short circuit, an illusion of the type ‘I was already there’.” (xxv)
Without these clefts, fissures and misrecognitions no culture is possible: “All
‘culture’ is in a way a reaction-formation, an attempt to limit, canalize – to <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">cultivate </i>this imbalance, this traumatic
kernel, this radical antagonism...” (xxviii). Attempts to overcome this
antagonism would only lead to totalitarianism, hence Žižek follows Laclau and
Mouffe’s seemingly paradoxical argument that democracy can be pursued only by
exploiting exactly these social antagonisms, on top of multiple cultural
fissures and clefts. Argues that Hegel, who in his opinion is totally
misinterpreted and his philosophy is not about total knowledge, provides a
powerful criticism of totalizing ideas, while Lacan provides language and
approaches to reveal ideological disguises of social antagonisms. Hence suggests
a mutual reinterpretation of Hegel and Lacan in order to revive Marxist
criticism of ideology. </span></div>
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<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Žižek starts the first chapter by arguing that “there
is a fundamental homology between the interpretative procedures of Marx and
Freud – more precisely, between their analysis of commodity and of dreams.” (3)
Both shift the focus on the form (of commodities and dreams): why certain
processes occupy a specific form of a dream; why labour needs to assume the
form of the value of a commodity – or, to reformulate this, why its social
character can only be affirmed in the commodity form of its product. So, the form:
Žižek returns to Freud to show that dreams as “forms” (the form of a dream) disguises
not its “secret content” (there’s nothing interesting in it), but a third
element, something which cannot be expressed in normal language—the unconscious
desire articulated in the dream. Marx revealed the same mechanism in regard to
the commodity as the commodity-form: it is, of course, important that it is
labour that is the true source (read: content) of wealth, but it doesn’t
explain why labour expresses its value in the commodity-form. There is the
unconscious of the commodity-form which emanates from the form itself, not from
its “labour-content.” The commodity implies abstraction (from the nature and
from specific qualities of the commodity itself, as it enters relations of
exchange), so it was the commodity which made abstract thinking (a-la Newtonian
science of nature) possible. So, the very transcendental subject—a foundation
of modern philosophy—is indebted to the commodity-form, without which it would
not emerge. This pure abstraction, abstraction per se, is that unconscious of
the commodity which makes Marxist analysis so important to critical theory. </span></div>
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<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">In reality, this abstraction looks like the forms of
thought which invade our subjective world from the outside and break the
dualism of people’s “actual” thoughts and their objective experience: “the form
of thought external to the thought itself – in short, some Other Scene external
to the thought whereby the form of the thought is already articulated in
advance.” (13) It is the symbolic order that provides these forms of thought.
As the result, any activity – starting with trade up to philosophy – is based
on blindness to this “third” element which is revealed through the form and
offers “ready-to-use” solutions: “a kind of reality whose very ontological
consistency implies a certain non-knowledge of its participants.” (15) </span></div>
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<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">As the result, Žižek offers a reinterpretation of
ideology, which “is not simply a ‘false consciousness’, an illusory
representation of reality, it is rather this reality itself which is already to
be conceived as ‘ideological’ – ‘ideological’ is a social reality whose very
existence implies the non-knowledge of its participants as to its essence –
that is, the social effectivity, the very reproduction of which implies that
the individuals ‘do not know what they are doing’.” (15-16) Argues that it’s
wrong to speak of our society as post-ideological: although people might
recognize that their attitude to reality is structured by ideological
illusions, the illusion is actually double: the “overlooked, unconscious
illusion is what may be called the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">ideological
fantasy</i>.” (30) Therefore, “cynical distance is ust one way – one of many
ways – to blind ourselves to the structuring power of ideological fantasy: even
if we do not take things seriously, even if we keep an ironical distance, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">we are still doing them</i>.” (30) </span></div>
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<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Marxist analysis of commodity brings a new perspective
on the opposition of persons and things: while people become disillusioned in
many medieval beliefs, “<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">the things
(commodities) themselves believe in their place</i>, instead of subjects: it is
as if all their beliefs, superstitions and metaphysical mystifications,
supposedly surmounted by the rational, utilitarian personality, are embodied in
the ‘social relations between things’.” (31) As the result, “the lesson... is
above all that belief, far from being an ‘intimate’, purely mental state, is
always <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">materialized </i>in our effective
social activity: belief supports the fantasy which regulates social reality.”
(33) </span></div>
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<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Here, Žižek returns to Althusser’s Ideological State
Apparatuses to explore its link with forms and mechanisms of ideological
interpellation: Ideological State Apparatuses internalize themselves in
subject, producing “the effect of ideological belief in a Cause and the
interconnecting effect of subjectivation.” (43) The problem is that ISA never
fully internalize themselves into subjects: “there is always a residue, a
leftover, a strain of traumatic irrationality and senseless sticking to it, and
that <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">this leftover, far from hindering
the full submission of the subject to the ideological command, is the very
condition of it</i>: it is precisely this non-integrated surplus of senseless
traumatism which confers on the Law its unconditional authority...” (43) – fits
perfectly with late soviet experience of a seeming alienation of ideology from
its population, which however brought no attacks on its legitimacy. Cf. also
with Eric Santner’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">My Own Private
Germany </i>where Daniel Paul Schreber’s mental illness is represented exactly
as emanating from this “senseless traumatism” which is an unavoidable excess of
the authority of the modern Law (or, more broadly, symbolic order). </span></div>
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<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Žižek develops this idea to argue that “ideology is
not a dreamlike illusion that we build to escape insupportable reality; in its
basic dimension it is a fantasy-construction which serves as a support for our
‘reality’ itself: an ‘illusion’ which structures our effective, real social
relations and thereby masks some insupportable, real, impossible kernel
(conceptualized by Ernosto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe as ‘antagonism’: a traumatic
social division which cannot be symbolized). The function of ideology is not to
offer us a point of escape from our reality but to offer us the social reality
itself as an escape from some traumatic, real kernel.” (45) Ideological fantasy
is, therefore, a necessary support of reality. Here’s the difference between
Marxism (not Marx) and Lacan: “in the predominant Marxist perspective the
ideological gaze is a partial gaze overlooking the totality of social
relations, whereas in the Lacanian perspective ideology rather designates a
totality set on effacing the traces of its own impossibility.” (50) </span></div>
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<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">The ideological field works and is able to secure the
success of its appeals for obedience and sacrifice for their own sake (90) by
linking numerous “floating signifiers” (proto-ideological elements) “into a
unified field through the intervention of a certain “nodal point’ which
‘quilts’ them, stops their sliding and fixes their meaning.” (95) Ideological
elements are floating (racists can be “elitist” and “outclassed”), but
‘quilting’ makes them part of the structured network of meaning which is
ideology. </span></div>
</div>
Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-91914098796962673942013-03-05T12:14:00.001-08:002013-03-05T12:14:25.512-08:00Ginzburg, Carlo. Clues, Myths, and the Historical Method<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<![endif]--><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Ginzburg, Carlo. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Clues, Myths, and the Historical Method</i>. Baltimore: The Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1986</span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-CA; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Two interesting ideas: that contemporary social and political forms do not simply construct myths, but rather the relationship between them is more complex, with certain mythical elements influencing social and political forms now, in a direct chronological order (history => present, not vice versa as social constructivists would argue). He also discusses, in his <i>The Inquisitor as Anthropologist</i>, of the inherently dialogical nature of even texts of inquisitors' investigations and interrogations, as the latter had to incorporate and translate semantic codes of suspects. </span></div>
Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-59363905560454291552013-02-26T13:23:00.001-08:002020-02-02T21:16:19.075-08:00Ahmed, Sarah. The Cultural Politics of Emotion. <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<i><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">Ahmed, Sarah. The Cultural Politics of Emotion</span></i><span class="st">. New York: Routledge, 2004.</span><br />
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Agenda: to explore “how emotions work to shape the
‘surfaces’ of individual and collective bodies.” (1) Starts by examining the
discourse of Britain as too emotional, to soft a nation which works as a
mobilization instrument for nationalist groups. “Soft national body is a
feminised body, which is ‘penetrated’ or ‘invaded’ by others.” (2) Emotions
perform multiple social roles, including securing social hierarchies. (4) </div>
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<br />
Theoretical discussion of what emotions are: “Emotions are
both about objects, which they hence shape, and are also shaped by contact with
objects.” (7) These makes emotions (a) social and (b) affective, where
“feelings do not reside in subjects or objects, but are produced as effects of
circulation.” (8) “Emotions should not be regarded as psychological states, but
as social and cultural practices.” (9) </div>
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“Affective economies” – an excellent metaphor describing how
the circulation of emotions in any given society involves its own logic
independent of the primary referents of emotions; affective economies provide
symbolic resources to organize social reality (thus becoming, in Zizek’s terms,
parts of the ideology) – Ahmed is drawing on different examples of hate in the
British society to demonstrate how certain political groups use the discourse
of hate to mobilize the society against immigration or to reinforce the
institute of private property. Hate becomes an important social phenomenon, as
different forms of hate form alliances. In “economies of hate,” the very
existence of certain selves and communities depends on hate, as “hate is
involved in the very negotiation of boundaries between selves and others, and
between communities, where ‘others’ are brought into the sphere of my or our
existence as a threat.” (51) This relationship is somewhat more complex,
actually, as “an ‘I’ that declares itself as hating an other... comes into
existence by also declaring its love for that which is threatened by this
imagined other (the nation, the community and so on).” (51) </div>
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A perfect quotation explaining the Soviet affection to
imported commodities or affection of former prisoners of Finnish camps to their
traumatic experience: “It is through affective encounters that objects and
others are perceived as having attributes, which ‘gives’ the subject an identity
that is apart from others (for example, as the real victim or as the threatened
nation).” (52-53)<br />
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Affective politics of fear: “fear works to secure the
relationship between... bodies.” (63) Like other forms of discourse, fear works
as by referring to past “histories of association” (cf. Western construction of
the Soviet Union as oriental and associated with disease during the Cold War). </div>
</div>
</div>
Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-33825045264229557202013-02-18T17:17:00.001-08:002013-02-18T17:17:35.574-08:00Sheffer, Edith. Burned Bridge: How East and West Germans Made the Iron Curtain<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Sheffer, Edith. Burned Bridge: How
East and West Germans Made the Iron Curtain. Oxford University Press, 2011.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Sheffer uses a geographic metaphor
and object, Burned Bridge between Sonneberg and Neustadt, two towns in East and
West Germany, respectively, to study how the Cold War border between two
blocks, which divided Germany, became embodied in the German culture in general
and local communities in particular, not simply like a dividing line, but as a
kind of crooked mirror, a place of contrast, but also contact, a site which
objectified relationships, alliances, sympathies and antipathies on both sides
of the border. As Sheffer argues, “Burned Bridge offers a critical vantage
point on the Cold War and Germany’s division,” (7) which allows to see how the
East-West border became negotiated in social structures, political decisions and
on the level of identities and how the East-West divide was created not just by
decision makers in Moscow, New York, Bonn and Berlin, but also by ordinary
people living on both sides of the border and internalizing the border in
themselves. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">The first chapter starts with an
account of how two border towns of Sonneberg and Neustadt were occupied by
Soviet and American forces, respectively, leading to the criminalization
(including wide-spread rape) in both towns, but also to the use of occupying
forces as suppliers of resources by the local populations (implying a certain
accommodation and compromise) and consequent enforcement of measures to somehow
supress this situation on behalf of military authorities on both sides, which
included a stricter control over the border between American and Soviet
sectors. Different measures (say, different ‘level’ of de-Nazification) also
contributed to growing differences between the neighbouring towns. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">The second chapter starts with an
examination of large-scale population movement between Soviet and Western
sectors (1.6 million people between October 1945 and June 1946), which led to
official measures aimed to curb this flight from East Germany. A numerical
increase of border guard, however, only increased problems, as American and
German border guards either were arrogant or integrated very fast into local
communities, so smuggling and people movement continued. The Soviet army
regarded the border as transparent and violated it on numerous occasions; in
general, without political decisions as to what to do with the border, keeping
it and border communities safe was beyond control. Absence of legal regulations
just increased illegality in the region. Local populations had to adapt to this
situation, which changed the patterns of life & communication and reshaped
the landscape in both communities. New ways of imagining and constructing the
border also appeared, which marginalized and othered everything behind it. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Chapter three addresses the economic
inequality between the two neighbouring regions, resulting from differing
access to resources in Sonneberg and Neustadt. Local communities became
actively engaged in these activities, which furthered the East-West division by
stigmatizing Sonnebergers, who made up 90 to 95% of smugglers, as well as
introducing new social tensions inside the communities (use of the language of
moral economy to stigmatize border-crossers). This created a popular demand on both
sides to introduce stricter measures of border control, especially in the East
(Neustadters generally benefitted from the illegal trade, as well as from
influx of qualified labor). The problem of illegal immigration was, however,
pressing for both sides. Western media and public opinion marginalized and
victimized them, fearing their burden for the economic and social system of
West Germany. This contributed to the strengthening of the divide. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Chapter four starts with an
examination of a football game in which the border became the midfield line.
This triggered a chain of events (or, rather, objectified a trend), as American
forces and Neustadters proved suspicious of this cross-border cooperation as
staged and orchestrated by East German secret policy and threatening to their
established order of things. Eastern inhabitants throughout the course of the
1949 summer organized several mass crossings of the border, undermining its
status of a frontier and defying the efforts of both American and Soviet border
guard to control their flow. At the same time, starting with 1949, the border
became a site of increasing propaganda warfare, as Western and Soviet zones
consolidated into states. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Chapter 5 looks at how East German
regime attempted to seal the border between Neustadt and Sonneberg as early as
1952. It starts with the general political context, which led to the 1952
fortification of the border. She then discusses the forced deportations from
border areas, especially focusing on how the lists of deportees changed to
reflect local authorities’ and population’s views of whom to consider
‘unreliable’ elements. News or fears of deportation leading to suicides,
flights to the West, open rebellions, but most commonly with scared submission.
This also had an impact on those who stayed, by returning or petitioning or
through them and their deportations being remembered in local communities. West
German press reacted by describing these events as barbarity, furthering the
divide by arguing that East Germans now live in an authoritarian state. During
1952 and 1953, almost 90 Sonnebergers defected a week, more than 2,000 in
total. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Chapter 6 starts with the burning of
Burned Bridge by neo-Nazies, assisted by East German border guards; Sheffer
argues that the harsh reaction of authorities to this attempt at breaking the
border marked their accommodation and decisiveness to enforce the East-West
demand, not constitutive for their own statehood. It when explores changes
following Stalin’s death, including a relative lack of any events during the
uprising of 17 June 1953 in East Germany, as well as the introduction of a new
form of cross-border communication, meetings across the barbed wire on Sundays.
On the other side of the border, the growth of welfare contributed to the
reinforcement of the border in people’s attitudes and discourse. New state
regulations, especially on the Western side, hamper local initiatives to
promote cross-border cooperation. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Chapter 7 explores East German
techniques of surveillance and control over its citizens, as between 1952 and
1961 the country lost 2.5 million citizens (every seventh), usually young,
educated and skilled. To prevent a demographic collapse, East German
authorities started to address people’s needs, which opened the doors for manipulating
the regime, pouring resources into people. Re-defining of fleeing compatriots
as ‘problem’ one. Restriction of travel permits for West Germany (customizing
travel), which allowed citizens for bargaining, as well as strained local
administrative resources. Winning populations back (Rueckkehrers)-ca. 1 out of
1 refugees. Introduction of Stasi and techniques of self-surveillance, building
of a panoptic society. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Chapter 8 addresses life in the
Prohibited Zone, a rather privileged according to East German standards (a 15%
bonus to salaries). Border’s permeation into nearby citizens life as a factor
of its stability. Increased daily participation in border-defence practices. A
certain militarization of East German borderland population. Cynical conformity.
Increased Stasi activities. In sum, a new normalcy emerged out of this
situation, to which people were perfectly adapted and which adapted people to
itself. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Chapter 9 approaches the 1980s and
argues that despite all this, the border remained a dynamic, uncertain space.
She focuses on the ways people were crossing the border, arguing that often it
was an impulsive act, a sign of a new subculture emerging here. Soldiers as
another dynamic component of the borderland. The border itself as a volatile object,
with moving mines, waste flowing across the border, etc.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Chapter 10 explores different ways
in which the border was imagined; Sheffer here argues that the ways of
imagining the border led to a further estrangement. Bourder tourism as a way to
almost orientalise and certainly exoticise East Germany as a land behind the
barbed wire. Stasi infiltration in the West. Relaxation of Eastern travel to
the West as another source of tensions in East Germany. In the end, Sheffer
argues that the border regime held stronger than elsewhere in East Germany and
fell not as a result of cross-border contacts, but due to strains in other
areas.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Conclusion: opening of the border in
1989 lead not only to the reunification of two Germanies, but to realization of
decades-old prejudices, esp. those of West Germans about their Eastern
compatriots. </span></div>
</div>
Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-60543265241874371042013-02-17T18:08:00.000-08:002013-02-17T18:08:02.534-08:00Foucault, Michel. The History of Sexuality. Vol.1: An Introduction.<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Foucault, Michel. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The
History of Sexuality. Vol.1: An Introduction</i>. New York: Vintage Books,
1990.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">The topic sentence(s) of the entire
volume appear on p. 105, when Foucault concisely states what his agenda for the
entire project on the history of sexuality is. Speaking of how knowledge about
sexuality formed in Europe throughout the eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth
centuries, he says that, rather than a process which aimed at obtaining
knowledge about sexuality,</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; margin-left: 36.0pt; margin-right: 0cm; margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">“what was involved, rather, was the
very production of sexuality. Sexuality must not be thought of as a kind of
natural given which power tries to hold in check, or as an obscure domain which
knowledge tries gradually to uncover. It is the name that can be given to a historical
construct: not a furtive reality that is difficult to grasp, but a great
surface network in which the stimulation of bodies, the intensification of
pleasures, the incitement to discourse, the formation of special knowledges,
the strengthening of controls and resistances, are linked to one another, in
accordance with a few major strategies of knowledge and power.” (105-6)</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Foucault’s project is informed by
his fears that power relations and meanings so deeply penetrated into the
structures of sexuality that even what might seem as emancipation can actually
reinforce patterns of domination. Ideology abducts language, and in the course of
three centuries, sexual desire was transformed into discourse (21). What we
might take for Victorian “repression” of sexuality was in fact time when
discourse on sexuality (and, hence, sexuality) greatly enlarged: “there was
installed rather an apparatus for producing an ever greater quantity of
discourse about sex, capable of functioning and taking effect in its very
economy.” (23) He also argues that a historical account of discourse on
sexuality should address not only what was said, but silences as well, for
silences can be just as meaningful as explicitly discussed things: “Silence
itself... is less the absolute limit of discourse, the other side from which it
is separated by a strict boundary, than an element that functions alongside the
things said.” (27) Equally important are underlying assumptions which form the
contextual field within which discourse is produced, negotiated and consumed. </span><span lang="RU" style="mso-ansi-language: RU; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;"></span></div>
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<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">The mechanism by which the subjugation
of sex by power occurs is historical: it was established through enforcement and
self-enforcement of practices of constant surveillance, including writing of
diaries, visits to doctors, search for ‘perverts’ and their isolation, etc. For
example, medicine: “Medicine made a forceful entry into the pleasures of the
couple: it created an entire organic, functional, or mental pathology arising
out of ‘incomplete’ sexual practices; it carefully classified all forms of
related pleasures; it incorporated them into the notions of ‘development’ and
instinctual ‘disturbances’; and it undertook to manage them.” (41) As the
result of all these practices which surrounded people in their coming to
sexuality, they got trapped in this discourse about sexuality and “power
advanced, multiplied its relays and effects.” (42) Power became sensualized,
power became all about pleasure and in pleasure (44-5). Peripheral sexualities
were particularly important in this respect, hence why authorities were always
obsessed with perversions, incest, etc.—“it is through the isolation,
intensification, and consolidation of peripheral sexualities that the relations
of power to sex and pleasure branched out and multiplied, measured the body,
and penetrated modes of conduct.” (48) </span></div>
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<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Foucault examines “scientific”
discourse about sexualities; his focus is on the idea of how people became
preoccupied with producing “truths” about sex. He argues that this
preoccupation with truth was an indication of the desire of intellectuals to assume
and embody power, to ensure the cleanness and morality of the social body, to
secure the proper evolution of mankind (in social, but also in the biological sense)
(54). That’s why it was bourgeoisie and, to a lesser extent, aristocracy (who supplied
most intellectuals) which were preoccupied with sex, hence so much attention to
everything related to it (women’s neuroses, children’s onanism, perversions,
etc.), because through institutions and practices which addressed these areas,
privileged classes structured and discipline their social bodies and, in a way,
‘hoped’ that this attention to biological means of reproduction would help them
reproduce their group socially (“it staked its life and death on sex by making
it responsible for its future welfare; it placed its hopes for the future in
sex by imagining it to have ineluctable effects on generations to come; it
subordinated its soul to sex by conceiving of it as what constituted the soul’s
most secret and determinant part” – 124). Their preoccupation leads to the
emergence of cultural space permeated with sexual practices (built often
through negation, othering, criticism, stigmatization, etc.), which people
cannot escape. Result of these new technologies of sexuality: “What was formed
was a political ordering of life, not through an enslavement of others, but
through an affirmation of self” (123) To achieve all this, European
intellectuals “constructed around and apropos of sex an immense apparatus for
producing truth, even if this truth had to be masked at the last moment.” (56) That’s
why Foucault calls his own intellectual project “the ‘political economy’ of a
will to knowledge.” (73) Intellectuals create discourse about sexuality in four
major directions: (a) a hysterization of women’s bodies, (b) a pedagogization
of children’s sex, (c) a socialization of procreative behavior, and (d)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>psychiatrization of perverse pleasure
(104-5). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Foucault develops in the fourth part
of his book a theory of desire which is about: “where there is desire, the
power relation is already present.” (81) Power needs to colonize desire,
because power is all about subjugation, domination, repression and obedience,
so “power is tolerable only on condition that it mask a substantial part of
itself.” (86) That’s why power can be so nice and good: it is because its masks
itself in desire (among other things). Foucault argues that this can happen only
because power doesn’t exist (just) as some centralized form, but is rather
because it colonized various forms of social life and is now reproduced through
them. “The omnipresence of power: not because it has the privilege of
consolidating everything under its invincible unity, but because it is produced
from one moment to next, at every point, or rather in every relation from one
point to another. Power is everywhere; not because it embraces everything, but because
it comes from everywhere.” (93) “Power comes from below.” (94) Power is indispensable
for the self: “what was formed [as the result of discourse on sex] was a
political ordering of life, not through an enslavement of others, but through
an affirmation of self.” (123) </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 6.0pt;">
<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Power imposes and enforces itself by
a number of subtle, almost invisible relays, the main one of which is the body
– “the body that produces and consumes.” (107) Reasons behind the deployment of
sexuality are not primarily human reproduction, but “proliferating, innovating,
annexing, creating, and penetrating bodies in an increasingly detailed way, and
in controlling populations in an increasingly comprehensive ways.” (107) That’s
why sexuality in Europe expanded greatly since the seventeenth century: it is
so closely related to power, that with the expansion and elaboration of power,
human sexuality – a site where power materializes itself – could not but to
expand as well. </span></div>
</div>
Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-83436781490805032282013-02-16T16:13:00.001-08:002013-02-16T16:13:03.075-08:00Foster, Hal. The Return of the Real<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Foster, Hal. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Return of the Real: Art and Theory at the
End of the Century.</i> Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1994.</div>
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<br /></div>
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While Hal Foster identifies his research goal as an
exploration of neo-avant-garde of the second half of the twentieth century, his
research and political agenda is much wider. Its broader scope is
rehabilitation of the postmodernist project; but he is also concerned with
multiple issues that drove modernist (and post-modernist) project, both in arts
and academia, such as questions of subjectivity. In this way, he explores his
research object – neo-avant-garde – in its diachronic dynamics (how it
positions itself in relation to the past and the future) and synchronic dynamic
(how it treats the social reality around itself). </div>
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<br /></div>
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In the beginning of chapter 6, Foster starts by differentiating
between two early Soviet cultural phenomena, the one of
formalist/constructivist agenda (productivism) – that the artist on the left
should ‘side with the proletariat’ in the way that s/he should take possession
of the means of (artistic) production in order to make her/his production
genuinely revolutionary; here lies a deep distinction with <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">prolekult </i>which, while also aspiring for a revolutionary and
anti-bourgeois agenda, occupies a different position, the one of a movement
that ‘surpasses’ bourgeois art and culture in their role of educating masses –
this is a difference that Boris Groys did not grasp in his analysis of Russian
avant-garde as the symbolic predecessor of Stalinism, for avant-garde did not
have on its political agenda a desire to ‘enlighten’ and ‘educate’ the working
class. </div>
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<br /></div>
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Developing this opposition, Foster argues that
neo-avant-garde of the 1960s had a similar agenda, but its object shifted from
proletariat to colonial nations. Instead of constructivist/formalist/Benjaminian
‘artist as producer’, artists of the 1960s were ‘artists as ethnographers’. </div>
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<br /></div>
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Chapter 7 works as an umbrella for the preceding analysis
(both in terms of epistemology and politics). Foster draws on Freudian theory
of ‘deferred action’ in which “subjectivity, never set once and for all, is
structured as a relay of anticipations and reconstructions of events that may
become traumatic through this very relay. I believe modernism and postmodernism
are constituted in an analogous way, in deferred action as a continual process
of anticipated futures and reconstructed pasts.” (207) As a result, he argues
that for modernism, the ‘quintessential questions were: Where do we come from?
Who are we? Where are we going? They were solved through the appeal to
otherness, either subconscious as the other or in form of the cultural other. Therefore,
any identification is always alienation – Lacan’s mirror stage (210). Fascism
draws its strength from here, from the ever-present possibility that one’s
subjectivity is just a play of reflections; ‘fascist subject’ armors
him/herself against the chaotic world, “against all others (both within and
without) who seem to represent this chaos” (210). </div>
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<br /></div>
</div>
Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-27901325149724999292013-02-15T16:31:00.001-08:002013-02-15T16:31:09.940-08:00Kozhevnikov, Alexei. Stalin's Great Science<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span class="st"><span style="line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Kozhevnikov, Alexei. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Stalin's
Great Science: The Times and Adventures of Soviet Physicists</i>. London:
Imperial College Press, 2004.</span></span></div>
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Agenda: to answer the question of how impressive scientific
and technological progress could exist under a regime which supressed the
Western-type democracy. A Lycenko case as a rhetorical example in Western Cold
War studies of Soviet science. Kojevnikov aims “to develop a less impaired view
of the history of Soviet science in its social, political, and ideological
contexts.” (xii) </div>
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“freedom of scientific discourse could maintained precisely
by keeping it separate from the much more dangerous discourse on political,
religious, and moral issues” (xiii) </div>
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!!! “Many of the Cold War ideological stereotypes were not
laid to rest with the end of the Cold War itself – in fact, they have survived
particularly well in the field of Soviet history and continue to underlie the
bulk of popular and professional literature in the field.” (xiii) </div>
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xvi: “a society that started with a pact between a
revolutionary ruling party and scientific experts ended up in their mutual –
and mutually self-destructive – alienation.”</div>
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Chapter 1: the role of applied research in the envisioned
and projected re-organization of Russian science; therefore the revolution – a
great opportunity for this. Russian academic loses contact with Western
schools—emergence of national forms of scholarly dialogue (new journals, e.g.).
Development of a new organization (‘mobilizational’ type) of research. Another
context: a desire of Russian scholars for academic autonomy and research
institutions as a type of research organization disassociated from universities
and, hence, teaching obligations. German model of research institute. Centralized
effort in scientific research. Soviet science born from these developments and
debates of the immediate pre-WWI and WWI time. </div>
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Chapter 2: an alliance between science and revolution. “As
the war and the attendant isolation of Russian science ended in 1921, the
foundation of a novel government-sponsored system of research and development
was already in place.” (23) Independence of universities, accent on research,
centralization (even monopolization) of a certain field, large
interdisciplinary projects with applied flavour. Bolsheviks have support from
scholars, but not from universities – part of the tendency. Optical industry as
an example of transformations that this alliance between pre-1917 scholars and
the revolution brought. Establishment of a new Soviet-style model of
industrialization and modernization which was driven by science and not market
(cf. the brothers Strugatsky). Scientists cooperate with the regime, because
their effort has now a much greater social impact than before or abroad. </div>
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Loren Graham has described the birth of the
characteristically Soviet system of research institutes as “the combination of
revolutionary innovation and international borrowing” (Graham 1975). The
present study shows that that formula needs to be modified. The new R&D
system was, true, a revolutionary innovation, but one that had started already
before the revolution itself and did not originate from a particular political
or ideological agenda of a revolutionary party. (44)</div>
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In chapter 3, Kojevnikov links revolutionary transformations
in Russia and the development of the theory of the expanding universe
(Aleksandr Friedmann). (FROM Wikipedia: Friedmann's work supports both theories
equally, so it was not until the detection of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cosmic_microwave_background_radiation" title="Cosmic microwave background radiation">cosmic microwave background
radiation</a> that the steady state theory was abandoned in favor of the
current favorite Big Bang paradigm.) This chapter presents a case in which a
similar question can be answered with sufficient confidence. The case is that
of some revolutionary ideas applied to the description of the behavior of atoms
and electrons. (48) Kojevnikov argues that the idea of electrons’ freedom in
dense bodies came from leftist political language and social theory – the case
of Yakov Frenkel. (49) </div>
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<br /></div>
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Chapter 4 (mentions his own position as a scholar:</div>
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Back home, their advanced expertise was no longer needed, or
so at least sounded the message from political authorities in the new
post-communist Russia, who were busy devaluing science along with everything
else that their predecessors, the communist authorities, had seemed to value.
(74) )</div>
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An experience of Western travel funds (Rockfeller funding
and other sources) as very timely for Soviet theoretical physics. </div>
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Chapter 5 explores the biography of Piotr Kapitza before his
split with Beria. Chapter 6 looks at the Soviet atomic project: “The socialist
economy, with its centralized military-style management and an existing
tradition of big-science institutions, was perfectly suited for replicating the
Manhattan Project.” (127) </div>
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Chapter 7 discusses the fox-like character of Sergey Vavilov,
President of the Soviet Academy since 1945. “Vavilov’s case, though unique, is
also revealing, as it helps to understand Stalinism not simply as a
totalitarian dictatorship but as a society and a culture with specific rituals,
mores, and styles.” (184) Chapter 8 discusses in more detail this discursive
aspect of Soviet science. Five debates – biology, physiology, philosophy,
economics and linguistics. Anthropological approach to the study of rituals and
languages of the Soviet scholarship. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Kritika
i samokritika</i>. In chapter 9 Kojevnikov discusses why a similar ordeal never
happened to Soviet physics. He argues that it was due to bureaucratic intrigue
of Vavilov. Chapter 10 deals with the alternative of how to develop Soviet
science: through international collaboration (physicists) or in a relative
autonomy (Lysenko). Kozhevnikov takes the case of ‘collective excitations’, a
state of atomic interaction, a theory developed by Soviet physicists, to see
how ideas trespassed national border during the Cold War. </div>
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Chapter 11 <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Dialogues
about Knowledge and Power in Totalitarian Political Culture</i> discusses how
scientists’ enter to power position in the Soviet society was negotiated
through Soviet political language. “This relationship was not stable, but
rather subject to negotiation and compromise, with terms that shifted over
time. Politicians and scientists were two privileged and mutually dependent
elite groups in Soviet society. The partners in this relationship, though of
course not equal, exerted influence upon each other. Politicians had a share in
deciding on matters related to science. At the same time, scientists had de
facto access to political decision making, although the nature of this access
was not easy to formulate in acceptable Soviet political language.” (276) Kozhevnikov
makes an excellent discourse analysis (or even conceptual analysis in a form
a-la Koselleck) of concepts of power and knowledge in the Soviet society. Discusses
the imagined Party as the bearer of Power (not impossible to be described
vis-à-vis real party); then: “Even in the world of communist dreams, however,
the ideal Party was not expected to command the third kind of higher knowledge,
knowledge of the natural world. For this, Bolsheviks imagined a separate ideal
agency, which they called Science.” (281) </div>
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“Science as an ideal agency enjoyed a very high status in
the Bolshevik world, compared to that of Party, People, or Proletariat.
Bolsheviks knew that Party could not rule without relying on Science— in other
words, that Power depended on Knowledge. On the other hand, they insisted that
Science could not be separated from politics and ideology— in other words, that
Knowledge could not be independent of Power. These two symmetrical
epistemological theses were represented in the Bolsheviks’ language as the two
formulaic phrases about Science and Party quoted above.” (281) Mentions that
Purges led to the homogenizing of the social group of technical professionals. </div>
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Between 1917 and mid-1930s – a search for a model of
relationship between the party and the science. “The restoration of order,
hierarchy, and boundaries between science and politics meant a return to a
compromise between scientists and politicians— a compromise that can be called
the Stalinist pact. This restored relationship has often been characterized in
implicitly gendered terms. Soviet publications and statements pictured it as a
romantic (but traditional) partnership between Party and Science. The former
provided support and leadership, while the latter responded with devotion and
assistance, with the two inseparably tied together by true and mutual love.”
(290) Traces this relationship through the work on the Bomb to Sakharov with
his political activism. He uses the example of Sakharov to, actually, discuss
the end of this tacit and cordial alliance between science and party and to
chart the beginning of their dissociation. </div>
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Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-71945587342963508462013-02-15T16:24:00.002-08:002013-02-15T16:24:34.947-08:00Introduction to Butler, Judith. Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of “Sex.”<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: RU;">Introduction to Butler, Judith. </span><i><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi;">Bodies That</span></i><span class="st"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> Matter: On the Discursive
Limits of “Sex.”</i> New York: Routledge, 1993</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span class="st">Agenda: how power imprints itself into
people’s bodies with a focus on performativity of gender and construction of
sex: how sexual norms are made to materialize the body’s sex in order to ensure
the hegemony of heterosexual narrative. Argues that the form (performativity)
constitutes the content (subjectivity): “the process by which a bodily norm is
assumed, appropriated, taken on as not, strictly speaking, undergone by a
subject, but rather that the subject, the speaking ‘I’ is formed by virtue of
having gone through such a process of assuming a sex” (3). Cultural formation
of not only identities to which one belongs, but also “uninhabitable” zones of
social life against which “the domain of the subject will circumscribe its own
claim to autonomy and to life. In this sense, the subject is constituted
through the force of exclusion and abjection, one which produces a constitutive
outside to the subject, an abjected outside, which is, after all, ‘inside’ the
subject as its own founding repudiation.” (3) She then adds her own political
agenda: to challenge these operations of exclusion (by virtue of their own
power). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
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<span class="st">Challenges the notion of ‘construction’ as
implicitly masculine and, hence, biased – suggested to speak of
‘materialization’, because the nature is never passive. Argues that a usual
argument of construction presupposes an “I” or a “we” who enact the
construction – which is not true, since “I” appears only in the process of
construction: “Subjected to gender, but subjectivated by gender, the ‘I’ neither
precedes nor follows the process of this gendering, but emerges only within and
as the matrix of gender relations themselves.” (7) </span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span class="st">Operations of exclusion, which are very
important in the construction of gender, leads Butler to an argument that the
idea of ‘construction’ doesn’t work here: it is not really a ‘construction’
(neither it is essential). Argues that even ‘sex’, a seemingly biological
category, is artificial: its differences become the ‘law’ only inasmuch as the
norms of this ‘law’ are reiterated again and again. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span class="st">“Hence, it will be as important to think
about how and to what end bodies are constructed as is it will be to think
about how and to what end bodies are <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">not </i>constructed
and, further, to ask after how bodies which fail to materialize provide the
necessary ‘outside,’ if not the necessary support, for the bodies which, in
materializing the norm, qualify as bodies that matter.” (16) </span></div>
</div>
Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-29852081426964451692013-01-31T11:09:00.002-08:002013-01-31T11:09:34.241-08:00Langdon Winner “Do Artifacts Have Politics?”<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-CA;">Langdon Winner “Do Artifacts Have Politics?” <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Daedalus</i>, Vol. 109, No. 1, Modern
Technology: Problem or Opportunity? (Winter,1980), pp. 121-136</span></div>
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“I shall offer
outlines and illustrations of two ways in which artifacts can contain political
properties. First are instances in which the invention, design, or arrangement
of a specific technical device or system becomes a way of settling an issue in
a particular community. Seen in the proper light, examples of this kind are
fairly straightforward and easily understood. Second are cases of what can be
called inherently political technologies, man-made systems that appear to
require, or to be strongly compatible with, particular kinds of political
relationships.”</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 10.0pt;">
Taking an
example of a bridge on Long Island, he writes: “In our accustomed way of looking
at things like roads and bridges we see the details of form as innocuous, and
seldom give them a second thought.” (123) Low overpasses in order not to let
buses (associated back then with Black Americans) pass through them, only
private cars with White Americans. “One can point to Baron Haussmann's broad
Parisian thoroughfares, engineered at Louis Napoleon's direction to prevent any
recurrence of street fighting of the kind that took place during the revolution
of 1848. Or one can visit any number of grotesque concrete buildings and huge
plazas constructed on American university campuses during the late 1960s and
early 1970s to defuse student demonstrations.” (124) History of technology is
similar, as new machines and tools were invented and introduced not only to
make the industrial process more effective, but also in order to secure current
regimes and practices of domination. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 10.0pt;">
Takes an
example of a tomato harvesting machine to argue that development of new
technologies is “an ongoing social process in which scientific knowledge,
technological invention, and corporate profit reinforce each other in deeply
entrenched patterns that bear the unmistak able stamp of political and economic
power.” (126) </div>
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“The things we
call "technologies" are ways of building order in our world. Many
technical devices and systems important in everyday life contain possibilities
for many different ways of ordering human activity. Consciously or not, deliberately
or inadvertently, societies choose structures for technologies that influence
how people are going to work, communicate, travel, consume, and so forth over a
very long time. In the processes by which structuring decisions are made,
different people are differently situated and possess unequal degrees of power
as well as unequal levels of awareness.” (127) This is totally true for Soviet
history as well. Inefficient industry was instrumental for the preservation of
bureaucracy which could not be challenged by other social groups; hence
inefficient industry was reproduced to the degree of idiocy, whereas efficient
solutions were carefully uprooted. And modelling or even imagining “future”
technologies was a way of symbolic building of a better, more efficient world,
in which Soviet technical intelligentsia hoped to occupy a more prominent
place, replacing bureaucracy. </div>
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“Taking the
most obvious example, the atom bomb is an inherently political artifact. As
long as it exists at all, its lethal properties demand that it be controlled by
a centralized, rigidly hierarchical chain of command closed to all influences
that might make its workings unpredictable. The internal social system of the
bomb must be authoritarian; there is no other way.” (131) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Winner then develops the argument and claims
that certain artifacts do require certain political and social conditions for
them to emerge; once they emerge, they start reproducing (contribute to reproducing)
of these conditions (131-132). </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 10.0pt;">
“Alfred D.
Chandler in The Visible Hand, a monumental study of modern business enterprise,
presents impressive documentation to defend the hypothesis that the
construction and day-to-day operation of many systems of production,
transportation, and communication in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries
require the development of a particular social form – a large-scale centralized,
hierarchical organization administered by highly skilled managers.” (131)</div>
</div>
Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-86691956517919408032013-01-31T10:30:00.002-08:002013-01-31T10:30:11.951-08:00Jones, Polly (ed.). The Dilemmas of De-Stalinization<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span class="st"><span style="line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Jones, Polly
(ed.). </span></span><em><span style="line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">The Dilemmas of De-Stalinization. Negotiating Social and Political Change
in the Khrushchev Era</span></em><span style="line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">. London: Routledge, 2006.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 10.0pt;">
<span style="line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Introduction by Polly Jones:
an accent on de-Stalinization as the main aspect of Khrushchev’s era. Miriam
Dobson, “Show the bandit-enemy no mercy!” – an account of how Soviet state and
society tried to react to the problem of crime rise after the first wave of
rehabilitations. Polly Jones, “From the Secret Speech to the burial of Stalin” –
a sketch of different strategies to promote, support and resist
de-Stalinization both from above and from below. Susanne Schattenberg in “’Democracy’
or ‘despotism’? How the Secret Speech was translated into everyday life” looks
at the cult of technology as a result of de-Stalinizaiton and attempt to push
forward the struggle ‘inventors’ vs. ‘bureaucrats’. Denis Kozlov “Naming the
social evil. The readers of Novyi mir and Vladimir Dudintsev’s Not by Bread
Alone, 1956-59 and beyond’ analyzes readers’ responses to the novel .</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 10.0pt;">
<span style="line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Christine Varga-Harris, “Forging
citizenship on the home front. Reviving the socialist contract and constructing
Soviet identity during the Thaw” analyzes how Soviet citizens used the language
of reward and compensation to secure their place (literally, in terms of
housing) in the socialist society. Ann Livschiz in “De-Stalinizing Soviet
childhood. The quest for moral rebirth, 1953-58” looks at how literature (patterns
of behaviour and positive characters) was used to educate children into
disciplined socialist subjects. Juliane Fuerst “The arrival of spring? Changes
and continuities in Soviet youth culture and policy between Stalin and
Khrushchev” analyzes how youth was caught between enthusiasm and maintenance of
control, and hence youth policy demonstrated multiple continuities (in terms of
stilyaga-hunt, e.g.). Donald Filtzer examines how new forms of labor
mobilization were tested (including raised salaries, campaigning, increased
role of engineers, etc.), which, however, led to increased exploitation of
women’s labor and other contradictions. </span></div>
</div>
Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-69728814066708365032013-01-29T20:42:00.001-08:002013-01-29T20:42:00.955-08:00Bittner, Stephen V. The Many Lives of Khrushchev’s Thaw<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 10.0pt;">
<span style="line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Bittner, Stephen V. <em>The
Many Lives of Khrushchev’s Thaw: Experience and Memory in Moscow’s Arbat.</em></span>
<em><span style="font-style: normal; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008.</span></em><span style="line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 10.0pt;">
<em><span style="font-style: normal; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">A focus on
artistic intelligentsia. An interesting metaphor – Thaw as an operation of ‘inclusion’
in comparison to ‘exclusion’. Discusses why Thaw was not an attempt of ‘liberalization’
in its own right (which is true), but doesn’t mention the point that it was an
attempt of return to ‘pre-stalinist’ visions of the soviet state, hence it
could not, by definition, be anything going in the western direction. Chapter 1
“History and Myth of the Arbat” – a socio-cultural description of the place, “the
Arbat myth.” Chapter 2 “A Cult of Personality and a Rhapsody in Blue.” Gnesin
institute as a site of struggle over formalism and reforms. </span></em></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 10.0pt;">
<em><span style="font-style: normal; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Interestingly
– he doesn’t make this conclusion, but his material shows that since there was
only one site of cultural production in the Soviet Union, stakes in struggle
between different cultural forms were unusually high: whereas in other
societies they simply differentiated in different sites, here that had to come
along within one framework of cultural production (chapter 1, second part – 54-65,
for example, but in many other places as well). </span></em></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 10.0pt;">
<em><span style="font-style: normal; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Chapter 3,
“Raining on Turandot.” Theater as a return to the revolutionary poetics of the
1920s. Chapter 4, “Remembering the Avante-garde” – how New Arbat was built to
embody new post-Stalinist architecture and visions of the urban space. Arbat as
an old place of memory damaged. New Arbat as rehabilitation of constructivism.
Chapter 5, “Preserving the Past, Empowering the Public”: how public support was
rallied to preserve certain (read: intellectuals’) visions of the past and
secure their voice and say in politics/cultural production. Preservation of
historical buildings as a field where new Russian nationalist discourse of
Brezhnev’s time was born. Chapter six “Dissidence and the End of the Thaw” –
about ‘closing’ of the political and cultural system in the wake of Khrushchev’s
dismissal. Arrest of Daniel and Sinyavsky as a turning point where Thaw became
an object of nostalgia itself. </span></em></div>
</div>
Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-41254626856365741632013-01-29T15:21:00.002-08:002013-01-29T15:21:28.956-08:00Dobson, Miriam. Khrushchev’s Cold Summer. Gulag Returnees, Crime, and the Fate of Reform After Stalin<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Dobson, Miriam. <em>Khrushchev’s
Cold Summer. Gulag Returnees, Crime, and the Fate of Reform After Stalin</em>.<em><span style="font-style: normal; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;"> Ithaca, NY: Cornell
University Press, 2009.</span></em></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 10.0pt;">
<em><span style="font-style: normal; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Draws on rich materials from Soviet letters to ‘power’ to show ambivalent
character of ‘popular’ attitudes to Stalinist and post-Stalinist policies. Argues
that skills to ‘write bolshevik’ were very different in all cases, an
indication which shows that the ‘internal world’ remained affected in a
different way than targeted and envisioned by official media. Search of
narrative form to make one’s life experience expedient for ‘sale’ to
authorities. Discusses the party’s search for truth and purity as driven by interaction
between party leaders and narrated experiences of gulag. Speaks of the ‘cult of
criminality’ as a released social phenomenon. Different biometaphors (life,
garden, purge, decease, etc.) as metaphors shaping and making sense of social
relations – in particular, of treating outcasts. In many ways, an excellent
cultural and language analysis of soviet realities of Khrushchev’s time. Her
emphasis of the ways in which the concept of truth was used is particularly
illuminating of many things behind political and social reforms of Khrushchev’s
time. </span></em><em><span style="font-style: normal; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"></span></em></div>
</div>
Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3822536829638217315.post-37645850448753114772013-01-29T14:19:00.001-08:002013-01-29T14:19:03.949-08:00Filtzer, Donald. The Khrushchev Era: De-Stalinization and the Limits of Reform in the USSR<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 10.0pt;">
<span style="line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Filtzer, Donald. <i>The
Khrushchev Era: De-Stalinization and the Limits of Reform in the USSR,
1953-1964</i>, London: Macmillan, 1993</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 10.0pt;">
<span style="line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Draws on parallels between
Gorbachev and Khrushchev. Regards Khrushchev as a product of Stalinist system,
but at the same time idealistic. Why reforms after Stalin’s death: poor labor
productivity, “terror and coercion were no longer effective” (9) – quite far-fetched,
they (a) were effective, (b) in 1953, they weren’t used much. So basically, his
main explanation is that de-stalinization was caused by economic problems and
by mass dissatisfaction of Soviet citizens with the oppressive regime. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 10.0pt;">
<span style="line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Quite biased account,
anyway. “[after khrushchev’s speech] within a few months by the release of some
8 to 9 million political prisoners from the labour camps...” – whereas even the
Black Book of Communisms evaluates the number of Gulag prisoners in 1953 as ca.
2.5 million people in camps and ca. 2.75 million people in ‘special settlements’,
and then just one amnesty signed by Beria on 27 March 1953 released 1,2 million
prisoners. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 115%; margin-bottom: 10.0pt;">
<span style="line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">A good brief account of
events in agriculture, industry and political life. <em><span style="font-style: normal;"></span></em></span></div>
</div>
Alexhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/12422506442941600203noreply@blogger.com0